Grammar American & British

Saturday, January 20, 2024

57=) English Literature

57-) English Literature 

Ribert Herrick

Poetic style and stature

The influence of Ben Jonson, however, goes beyond these poetic tributes. More than any of the other “sons,” Herrick follows Jonson’s prescription for “writing well.” For example, Jonson recommended reading “the best Authors,” particularly “the Ancients,” and Herrick has long been recognized for his more than nodding acquaintance with the works of classical writers such as the legendary Greek poet of wine, women, and song, Anacreon; and with Roman poets, especially Horace and Martial, but also Catullus, Tibullus, and Ovid (all of whom Herrick mentions, quotes, or borrows from). Although the ancients and the best moderns must be employed as models, Jonson counseled, the aspiring poet’s own sensibility should be imposed on the borrowed subjects, themes, and styles. This injunction Herrick also obeys—in “Anacreontike,” for example—in scores of classically styled epigrams, epitaphs, odes, and lyrics, and even in imitations of Jonson himself such as “Delight in Disorder.” Jonson was also a strong proponent of revision, and thus Herrick, in “His request to Julia,” writes, “Better ‘twere my Book were dead, / Then to live not perfected.” Jonson finally admitted, however, that one cannot be a poet without endowments such as “nature,” genius or talent, and “art,” the kind of craftsmanship that can transform the stuff of human life into poetry. The endurance of Herrick’s work and the growth of his reputation demonstrate that he possessed both.

Herrick became well known as a poet about 1620–30; many manuscript commonplace books from that time contain his poems. The only book that Herrick published was Hesperides (1648), which included His Noble Numbers, a collection of poems on religious subjects with its own title page dated 1647 but not previously printed. Hesperides contained about 1,400 poems, mostly very short, many of them being brief epigrams. His work appeared after that in miscellanies and songbooks; the 17th-century English composer Henry Lawes and others set some of his songs.

Herrick wrote elegies, satires, epigrams, love songs to imaginary mistresses, marriage songs, complimentary verse to friends and patrons, and celebrations of rustic and ecclesiastical festivals. The appeal of his poetry lies in its truth to human sentiments and its perfection of form and style. Frequently light, worldly, and hedonistic and making few pretensions to intellectual profundity, it yet covers a wide range of subjects and emotions, ranging from lyrics inspired by rural life to wistful evocations of life and love’s evanescence and fleeting beauty. Herrick’s lyrics are notable for their technical mastery and the interplay of thought, rhythm, and imagery that they display. As such, they are typical of the Cavalier poets, a group identifiable by its politics—loyal to Charles I during the English Civil Wars—and the distinct tone and style of its members’ verse. As a poet, Herrick was steeped in the classical tradition; he was also influenced by English folklore and lyrics, by Italian madrigals, by the Bible and patristic literature, and by contemporary English writers, notably Jonson and Robert Burton.

Almost forgotten in the 18th century, and in the 19th century alternately applauded for his poetry’s lyricism and condemned for its “obscenities,” Robert Herrick is, in the latter half of the 20th century, finally becoming recognized as one of the most accomplished nondramatic poets of his age. Long dismissed as merely a “minor poet” and, as a consequence, neglected or underestimated by scholars and critics, the achievement represented by his only book, the collection of poems entitled Hesperides: Or, The Works Both Humane & Divine (1648), is gradually coming to be more fully appreciated. While some of his individual poems—“To the Virgins, to Make Much of Time,” “Upon Julia’s Clothes,” and “Corinna’s going a Maying,” for example—are among the most popular of all time, recent examinations of his Hesperides as a whole have begun to reveal a Herrick whose artistry in the arrangement of his volume approximates the artistry of his individual works and whose sensibility is complex but coherent, subtle as well as substantive. In short, Robert Herrick, who was proud to be one of “the Sons of Ben,” has begun to be seen, along with his literary father Ben Jonson, as one of the most noteworthy figures of early-17th-century English poetry.

Herrick wrote over 2,500 poems, about half of which appear in his major work, Hesperides. Hesperides also includes the much shorter Noble Numbers, his first book of spiritual works, first published in 1648. He is well known for his style, and in his earlier works for frequent references to lovemaking and the female body. His later poetry was of a more spiritual and philosophical nature. Among his most famous short poetical sayings are the unique monometers, such as number 475, "Thus I / Pass by / And die,/ As one / Unknown / And gone."

Herrick sets out his subject-matter in the poem he printed at the beginning of his collection, "The Argument of his Book". He dealt with English country life and its seasons, village customs, complimentary poems to various ladies and his friends, themes taken from classical writings, and a solid bedrock of Christian faith, not intellectualized but underpinning the rest. It has been said of Herrick's style that "his directness of speech with clear and simple presentation of thought, a fine artist working with conscious knowledge of his art, of an England of his youth in which he lives and moves and loves, clearly assigns him to the first place as a lyrical poet in the strict and pure sense of the phrase."

Herrick never married and none of his love poems seems to connect directly with any one woman. He loved the richness of sensuality and the variety of life. This appears vividly in such poems as "Cherry-ripe", "Delight in Disorder" and "Upon Julia's Clothes".

The overriding message in Herrick's work is that life is short, the world beautiful and love splendid. We must use the short time we have to make the most of it. This message is clear in "To the Virgins, to make much of Time", "To Daffodils", "To Blossoms" and "Corinna's Going A Maying", where the warmth and exuberance of a seemingly kind and jovial personality comes over.

The opening stanza in one of his more famous poems, "To the Virgins, to Make Much of Time", runs:

Gather ye rosebuds while ye may,

Old Time is still a-flying;

And this same flower that smiles today,

Tomorrow will be dying.

This is an example of the carpe diem genre, whose popularity Herrick's poems helped to revive.

His poems were none too popular on publication. A style influenced by Ben Jonson, the classical Roman writers and the late Elizabethan era must have seemed old-fashioned to an audience tuned to the complexities of metaphysical poets such as John Donne and Andrew Marvell. His work was rediscovered in the early 19th century and has been regularly printed since.[9]

The Victorian poet Swinburne described Herrick as "the greatest song writer ever born of English race".[10] Despite his use of classical allusions and names, Herrick's poems are easier for modern readers than those of many of his contemporaries.

In 1623 Herrick took holy orders, though there is no record of his being assigned to any particular parish. This step, at the mature age of 32, may indicate that he was unable to find preferment elsewhere. As a poet, however, public recognition would come his way in the form of a generous mention in Richard James’s The Muses Dirge (1625). Despite this tribute and Herrick’s evident itch for literary fame, his name did not by any means become a household word during his long lifetime.

The next record of Herrick’s activities is from 1627, when he became one of the several chaplains who accompanied George Villiers, first Duke of Buckingham, in a crusade to liberate French Protestants on the Isle of Rhé. A disastrous combination of illness among the troops, effective military action by the French, and a storm at sea while Buckingham’s ships were retreating to England resulted in the loss of two-thirds of the expedition. Small wonder that shortly thereafter, in 1629, Herrick exchanged a life of danger for one of apparent safety by accepting a nomination to the vicarage of Dean Prior, a hamlet in Devonshire, far to the southwest of London.

He was installed as vicar on October 29, 1630. To become a country parson at age 39 had to have been a radical change from Herrick’s former life among literati, courtiers, and assorted military adventurers. The part of the West Country to which his new calling took him is even now largely rural: in the 17th century it was remote in the extreme. In 1630 the two nearest cities of size, Exeter to the northeast and Plymouth to the southwest, would both have been nearly a day’s ride away. The capital was a five-day journey. Herrick’s church, of Saint George the Martyr (which still stands), though attractive, was modest, and the adjacent vicarage (portions of which have been incorporated into the existing dwelling) was more modest still.

Herrick may have expected this post to be temporary. He had, after all, highly placed friends. Moreover (although their dating is not certain), works of his such as “A Christmas Caroll” and “The New-yeeres Gift” would be set to music by the well-known musician Henry Lawes and sung before King Charles I. Herrick also cultivated the royal family with a series of flattering poems. Indeed, the king, though he was nine years younger than Herrick, emerges in Hesperides as yet another father figure. In the encomium “To the King, Upon comming with his Army into the West, through a conflation of paternal archetypes Charles is presented as a tutelary deity, a husband, and a conquering hero. The king’s declining fortunes in the 1640s, however, must have made it difficult to sustain faith in his power and in his capacity to protect and nurture, to be a father to his subjects. As intimated by Herrick’s body of religious verse, His Noble Numbers (published with Hesperides), the needs that his natural and other fathers were unable to meet he comes to find in his Heavenly Father.

Herrick served as vicar of Dean Prior for 31 years with some interruptions. Herrick was every inch the Royalist (as his panegyrics to Charles I and Charles, Prince of Wales, make evident) and, if his religious poems are any indication, a rather traditional Anglican, even though he resided in a part of the country strongly sympathetic to the Puritan cause and, during the Civil War, to the parliamentary forces. Such parsons were anathema to the victorious Puritans, and in 1647 the poet was among the 142 Devonshire clergymen expelled from their parishes for their convictions. Returning to his post during the Restoration, Herrick served for 14 more years until his death at the end of harvest season in 1674.

About his expulsion Herrick must have had mixed feelings. He was, after all, a Londoner born and bred, university educated, and friend and acquaintance to some of the political and cultural powers of the land. In a poem with the explicitly autobiographical title of “To Dean-bourn, a rude river in Devon, by which sometimes he lived” (which may have been occasioned by his expulsion) Herrick rails, first, against the countryside, symbolized by this small stream:

Dean-bourn, farewell; I never look to see

Deane, or thy warty incivility.

Thy rockie bottome, that doth teare thy streams,

And makes them frantick, ev’n to all extreames;

To my content, I never sho’d behold,

Were thy streames silver, or thy rocks all gold.

Clearly, more than a river is on the poet’s mind:

Rockie thou art; and rockie we discover

Thy men; and rockie are thy wayes all over.

O men, O manners; Now, and ever knowne

To be A Rockie Generation!

A people currish; churlish as the seas;

And rude (almost) as rudest Salvages.

With whom I did, and may re-sojourne when

Rockes turn to Rivers, Rivers turn to Men.

What the poem deplores is the primitiveness, not only of the countryside but of the people themselves, who represent nature unimproved by art—that is, by civilization and culture.

Another poem possibly inspired by Herrick’s enforced departure from the West Country is “His Return to London.” Here the emphasis shifts from the misery of time spent in “the dull confines of the drooping West” to the joys of London, “blest place of my Nativitie!” London is England’s Rome—“O Place! O People! Manners! fram’d to please”—and Herrick’s “home.” Herrick does not consider himself banished from Dean Prior; he was banished to it: “by hard fate sent / Into a long and irksome banishment.” He would rather die than return to Devonshire, and he asks that his “sacred Reliques” be buried in London.

Either these poems represent the artistic advantages of poetic license or Herrick changed his mind: in 1660 he personally petitioned to be returned to his former vicarage in “the drooping West,” and that petition was granted. There is a good deal of evidence that Herrick was in fact employing exaggeration for poetic effect in “To Deanbourn” and “His Return to London.” His attitude toward country life, like his attitudes on a wealth of topics (love and women, government, social class, even religion and poetry), was creatively ambivalent, as his well-known epigram “Discontents in Devon” demonstrates:

More discontents I never had

Since I was born, then here;

Where I have been, and still am sad,

In this dull Devon-shire:

Yet justly too I must confesse;

I ne’r invented such

Ennobled numbers for the Presse,

Then where I loath’d so much.

Musing on the mystery of creativity, on the relationship between milieu and productivity (as this most self-conscious poet does more than once), he has to conclude that for Robert Herrick the poet country life cannot be all bad. Even this grudging admission does not begin to suggest the vision of art and life that emerges from the more than 1,400 poems of Herrick’s Hesperides. This fact, plus the very number and variety of these poems, as well as their arrangement (and thus their relationships to each other), make the issue of how Herrick’s book should be approached a crucial one.

Today most readers encounter Herrick in anthology selections. That is, in a sense, how he was first read, in the days when a limited number of his poems circulated in manuscript. When he collected his oeuvre for publication, however, he clearly had something else in mind. He seems to have been the first poet—and still the only important poet—to gather practically all of his verses into one elaborately designed volume and see it through the presses. From the beginning of that volume Herrick makes it plain that he expects his audience to read his entire book, to read it in the order in which it is printed, and, above all, to read it with understanding and appreciation. Then as now, such an understanding and appreciation require that the reader develop some kind of approach to the text, and here Herrick volunteers his services.

Hesperides is the only major collection of poetry in English to open with a versified table of contents. This guide hints strongly at what type of poet Herrick thinks he is, and thus, by implication, how his book is to be approached. “The Argument of his Book” begins, “I Sing”—suggesting Herrick sees himself as a lyric poet—“of Brooks, of Blossomes, Birds, and Bowers: / Of April, May, of June, and July-Flowers”—suggesting he is also a pastoral poet. Pastoral poets, of course, valorize a life lived close to the beauties of nature (often opposing it to life lived in the decadent city) and idealize that life by focusing on the countryside in its most benign seasons. Elsewhere in Hesperides there is ample warrant for approaching Herrick as a pastoral poet, even though not all nor even most of his poems can be classified as bucolic.

Another approach to Herrick’s collection, however, may be hinted at in succeeding lines of “The Argument of his Book”: “I sing of May-poles, Hock-carts, Wassails, Wakes, / Of Bride-grooms, Brides, and of their Bridall-Cakes.” Maypoles and hockcarts (wagons in which the last fruits of the harvest are brought in) suggest English country life and, consequently, domesticated (rather than Greek, Roman, or biblical) pastoral. Love, of course, is also a common subject of bucolic poetry, but all of the images in these particular lines also have to do with ceremonies—special, often sanctified, events that figure importantly in human life and are fraught with significance as well as emotion. Poetry, or at least the reading of it, can be thought of as a kind of ritual, so perhaps Herrick is indicating here that he is a poet of ceremony and a ceremonial poet. Elsewhere in Hesperides there is warrant for taking this approach as well. Lines 5 and 6 of Herrick’s “Argument” begin with a different phrase, “I write”—less suggestive of a lyric poet—“of Youth, of Love, and have Accesse / By these, to sing of cleanly-Wantonnesse.” Although youth, love, and sex (Herrick’s memorable phrase suggests sex without sin, something of a novel notion in the 17th century) have traditionally been subjects of lyric poetry, “I write” may hint at the hundreds of epigrams on amatory themes and the score of other subjects that are scattered throughout Hesperides. A productive approach to Herrick’s collection must also accommodate these short, pithy poems that treat something other than bucolic or ceremonial themes.

In the remainder of “The Argument” Herrick indexes his other subjects—some natural, such as “Dewes” and “Raines, “Spice, and Amber-Greece,” some philosophical, such as transiency (“Times transshifting”), and some supernatural, such as “the Fairie-King.” Herrick concludes by announcing that he is also a religious poet and a Christian man: “I write of Hell; I sing (and ever shall) / Of Heaven, and hope to have it after all.” Herrick’s list is by no means exhaustive. He does not tell the reader that Hesperides includes political poems, ranging from flattering portraits of royalty and nobility to acerbic comments on government officials, practices, and policies. Nor does Herrick forewarn the reader that the collection also includes shockingly naturalistic, even scatological, epigrams. He also does not reveal that Hesperides is historically and morally grounded in numerous poems that pay tribute to an assortment of relatives, friends, and patrons (much as his “Father Jonson” so often did) by transforming them into representations of a Christian-humanistic ethos. In addition, Herrick only hints at the existence of his poems of the good life, works that, in the Cavalier tradition, celebrate friendship and sociability, the pleasures of fine food and drink, of conviviality in general.

The poet’s more sober, philosophical vein, which surfaces in so many of the most important works in Hesperides, is signaled by the memorable phrase “Times trans-shifting”—the notion that everything that lives is subject to temporality and flux. Decline and death are inevitable. Though a Christian priest, Herrick is capable of contemplating death without transfiguration, seeing the grave as the end of all that is good, as ultimate oblivion, nothingness. He views this grim possibility with equanimity, with a poise that is intellectual as well as emotional. Like the classical Stoic, he responds to the prospect of his inevitable death by affirming life, but life lived modestly and taken as it comes, the bad with the good. Like the serious Epicurean, Herrick seeks to maximize pleasure and minimize pain by following the classical principle of moderation. Even the good life, in Herrick’s vision, tends to be scaled down to modest expectations: love and friendship, good food and drink, ordinary pastimes, and, above all, poetry.

Although he is not always solemn, Herrick is often serious, and he takes “good verses” seriously indeed. No English poet of importance is so involved in writing poetry about poetry, about its readers, about poets, and about himself as a poet. Self-referential poems interspersed throughout Hesperides are among the book’s most memorable. Some are self-presentations: for example, “The bad season makes the poet sad” shows Herrick pondering why the Civil War has stifled his creativity, and “Upon his Verses” slyly declares that (unlike some poets) he is no plagiarist. At times Herrick waxes philosophical, contemplating the relationship between life and art metaphorically in “Delight in Disorder,” for instance, or avuncular, as when he leaves to posterity his “Lyrick for Legacies.”

Posterity, in fact, is much on Herrick’s mind. Time and time again he reiterates his faith in “the eternizing power of poetry.” This theme combines his poems about poetry with his neo-Stoical vein: since, as the title of one epigram proclaims, “Poetry perpetuates the poet,” as well as the poet’s subjects, Herrick can triumph over “Times trans-shifting” and live beyond death through his verses. Hesperides thus becomes his eternal monument, preserving his name and his fame forever:

Trust to good Verses, then;

They onley will aspire,

When Pyramids, as men,

Are lost, i’th’ funerall fire.

The title of the poem in which these lines appear, “To Live Merrily, and to Trust to Good Verses,” has sometimes been regarded as encapsulating the spirit of Hesperides. Such a view is too reductive to be entirely valid, but also too much in the neighborhood of the truth to be dismissed out of hand. Herrick exhibits an almost Roman gusto for the good life, and to such a life poetry is central. Poetry, however, is also connected with death, or with the denial of death.

For Herrick poetry becomes a secular religion and the symbolic foundation of Hesperides. The last work in the collection is a pattern poem in the shape of a classical column, “The Pillar of Fame.” On this pillar made of words Herrick’s collected “humane works” symbolically rest, just as Herrick’s art is grounded in the belief that it can secure eternal fame for him, be a monument “Out-during Marble, Brasse, or Jet.” It is not an entirely misplaced belief: Robert Herrick, the obscure country parson and sometime poet, today is better known than most of the famous and infamous of his age.

Herrick never married, and literary gossips have reveled in speculations about the identities of the 14 “mistresses” (in the 17th century, inamoratas, lady friends, or merely admired acquaintances) to whom he addressed 158 poems. Whether they were flesh and blood or, as modern consensus has it, pretty fictions, is of little consequence: Herrick is only conforming to the common poetic practice of the time when he addresses his uniformly young and beautiful Julias, Corinnas, and Antheas. Where he does not conform is in his penning of romantic verses to identifiable women whose real names he supplies—for example, Elizabeth Wheeler, Lettice Yard, and Katherine Bradshaw. His poems to these flesh-and-blood, well-born ladies, however, tend to be more “cleanly” than “wanton.”

Herrick’s love poetry ranges from the bawdy (“The Vine”) to the neo-Petrarchan (“To Anthea, who may command him anything”). That range, but also Herrick’s normative representation of love, makes “cleanly-Wantonnesse” an apt phrase to characterize his amatory verses. The phrase suggests an accommodation between nature and civilization, between life and art, and between the romantic and the sexual that reflects Herrick’s inclination toward the via media.

In addition to the love complaints and celebrations of the mistress so common to 17th-century love poetry, Herrick also treats subjects readers might think of as “modern.” For example, one poem, frequently anthologized, is “Upon Julia’s Clothes”:

When as in silks my Julia goes,

Then, then (me thinks) how sweetly flowes

That liquefaction of her clothes.

Next, when I cast mine eyes and see

That brave Vibration each way free;

O how that glittering taketh me!

Herrick also brings his “invention” to bear upon more traditional forms of love poetry. For example, in “To Phillis to love and live with him,” he avoids much of what had become the clichés of the invitation-to-love by shifting the scene of this pastoral subgenre indoors and having the lover woo the lady with citified gifts. Another pastoral invitation-poem with a difference, “Corinna’s going a Maying,” is one of Herrick’s most admired work. Here the lady is being seduced out of bed to join in the ceremonies of May Day, when the town goes into the country to gather greenery, thereby transforming the country into the town and vice versa. What makes the poem most memorable is its final stanza, where Herrick, with his customary Stoic realism, reminds Corinna (and his reader) that, as creatures of nature, we are all subject to time, that time flies, and thus youth and love are not forever:

Come, let us goe, while we are in our prime;

And take the harmlesse follie of the time.

  We shall grow old apace, and die

  Before we know our liberty.

  Our life is short; and our dayes run

  As fast away as do’s the Sunne;

And as a vapour, or a drop of raine

Once lost, can ne’r be found againe :

  So when or you or I are made

  A fable, song, or fleeting shade;

  All love, all liking, all delight

  Lies drown’d with us in endlesse night.

Then while time serves, and we are but decaying;

Come, my Corinna, come, let’s goe a Maying.

It is but another step to the grim vision of Andrew Marvell’s “To his Coy Mistress,” which likewise denies that love can offer transcendence

Critical consensus holds that Herrick is also particularly successful in the genre of the marriage poem. He wrote two of them, both for actual weddings, and they are among the longest and most ambitious of his efforts. Both are ceremonial works in a dual sense: they depict and elevate the rituals that follow the marriage service and, as ceremonial works themselves, they participate in those rituals. “A Nuptiall Song” is especially noteworthy for its intricate prosody, lush imagery, and humor combined with pathos. The poet who lived a single life and revealed in “No spouse but a Sister” that he could be more than a little cynical about wedded bliss—

A Bachelour I will

Live as I have liv’d still,

And never take a wife

To crucifie my life

—also waxed eloquent about other people’s weddings and even acknowledge the possibility of a “pleasing wife.” The latter phrase comes from a poem entitled “His age,” in which Herrick fantasizes himself not only old, but married with a son. He imagines his “young / Iülus” singing and reading his father’s love lyrics, eventually leading “old” Herrick to conclude that, when all is said and done, “No lust there’s like to Poetry.”

Herrick’s invention is notable too in that poetic mode with which he most identifies himself, the pastoral. He can write the most conventional sort of Arcadian dialogue, but is more likely, to take his classical models and English them, as he does in “The Country life.” This poem, addressed to his high-ranking friend and patron, Endymion Porter, after drawing a conventional contrast between the “Sweet Country life” and the frantic existence to be found in “Courts, and Cities,” goes on to follow Porter as he makes the rounds of his rural estate. Here classical images of “enameld Meads” (picture-perfect meadows) and piping shepherds are mixed with more familiar vignettes, such as a whistling plowman, and native English pastimes such as the “Morris-dance.”

In the similarly titled “A Country life,” another Anglicized pastoral, Herrick praises his older brother Thomas for being one who “Could’st leave the City, for exchange, to see / The Countries sweet simplicity.” The poem, indeed, advises practicing rural simplicity and cultivating rural innocence, and it gradually develops an ethos of as well as a prescription for the good life. Herrick describes his brother as a person who possesses a good conscience, who understands and applies the principle of moderation in all things, including love. In aphorism after aphorism Herrick builds up the kind of portrait of the ideal person that his ethical epigrams and personal encomiums also paint. Such a person should be Stoical, like Thomas—“thou liv’st fearlesse; and thy face ne’r shewes / Fortune when she comes or goes”—and should be satisfied with what the countryside affords, for “Content makes all Ambrosia.” Amid such familiar English sounds as “singing Crickits by thy fire” and English sights such as a “green-ey’d Kitling” chasing a “brisk Mouse,” Thomas realizes that “Wealth cannot make a life, but Love.” Such aphorisms, embedded in a pastoral-advisive poem, indicate how Herrick synthesizes his bucolic, ritualistic, and epigrammatic strains.

Most pastoral poets tend to be city types nostalgic for a golden age or for an impossible rural ideal. Herrick is appreciative of the native English country culture, but he is at the same time aware of its socioeconomic base. Herrick explores relationships between social class and perception in the poem entitled “The Hock-cart, or Harvest home.” This too is a ceremonial as well as a pastoral work, for not only is its subject a country ritual but the poem itself is structured like a ritual: as speaker, Herrick serves as the master of the revels for this celebration of the end of the harvest on the estate of his friend, the earl of Westmorland. Herrick calls together the farmhands, the “Sons of Summer,” whose physical labors support their betters (like himself and Westmorland), and invites the earl to enjoy the sights and sounds of the various folk rituals. The poet then urges the “brave boys” into the great hall for a feast and a series of toasts—first, of course, “to your Lords health,” then “to the Plough (the Common-wealth),” that is, the symbol of the agricultural economy upon which all subsist. In the very midst of the festivities, however, Herrick bluntly reminds these laborers that although they, like oxen, fatten up in this time of plenty, both men and animals must in the spring go back to working the land. In conclusion Herrick recalls to them the economic foundations of the master-servant relationship:

And, you must know, your Lords word’s true,

Feed him ye must, whose food fils you.

And that this pleasure is like raine,

Not sent ye for to drowne your paine ,

But for to make it spring againe.

This is real-world pastoral in which landowners and laborers exist in a symbiotic relationship and holidays help insure that farm work (“your paine”) will resume when springtime comes.

Herrick may be the only important English poet to refer to his housemaid in his poetry (and he does so more than once). Such things do not make the old Royalist a democrat, but they do say something about his sensibility, which it would be presumptuous to call “modern.” He recognizes that ordinary people and ordinary life can be as much the stuff of poetry as great ones and glamour. The poem goes on to illustrate the principle “What ever comes”—whether it be garden vegetables, modest housing, freedom from debt, or sound sleep—”content makes sweet.” The country life is a quiet and private life—”We blesse our Fortunes, when we see / Our own beloved privacie”—and, for this famestruck poet, one of surprisingly agreeable anonymity: “[We] like our living, where w’are known / To very few, or else to none.”

“A Thanksgiving to God, for his House” is likewise everyday pastoral, this time in the shape of an informal, rambling, and genial prayer. Herrick’s vicarage alongside the Exeter-Plymouth road is a “little house, whose humble Roof / Is weatherproof; / Under the sparres of which I lie / Both soft, and drie.” The idealized self-image he presents here is one that accords well with this house: he thanks God for his humility—“Low is my porch, as is my Fate”—for his charity and hospitality, for simple food such as “my beloved Beet,” for “Wassaile Bowles to drink,” and for a “teeming Hen” and “healthfull Ewes.” One central domestic image of universal appeal sums up this poet’s content in the country:

Some brittle sticks of Thorne or Briar

         Make me a fire,

Close by whose living coale I sit,

         And glow like it.

Herrick’s images allow one to believe that this former university wit, man-about-London, military veteran, and friend of the great is genuinely thankful for his humble country living in Dean Prior:

All these, and better Thou dost send

       Me, to this end,

That I should render, for my part,

       A thankfull heart [.]

“A Thanksgiving to God, for his House” is to be found in Herrick’s collection of religious poetry, His Noble Numbers: Or, His Pious Pieces, and an overarching pattern of that collection may help explain why, despite his own protestations, Herrick returned to his West Country vicarage after the Restoration. Although bound with the 1648 Hesperides, His Noble Numbers has its own title page bearing a 1647 date, which suggests that the work may have been intended to be printed earlier and separately. Whatever the reasons for deciding to combine the two books, the result was a happy one. Although it has been something of a critical cliché that this successful secular poet strangely fails as a sacred one, Herrick is one poet, not two, and his collections are linked thematically, stylistically, structurally, and by the author’s “unifying personality.” The neo-Stoicism of the secular verse had since the Middle Ages been seen as eminently compatible with a Christian ethos, and so it proves to be in both of Herrick’s collections. Likewise, the pastoral stance of Hesperides reappears in His Noble Numbers, though less frequently. As might be expected in the case of religious verse, Herrick’s epigrammatic and ceremonial modes predominate. His tendency to experiment with the length of his lines and to employ short lines (more than any other notable English poet) is almost as apparent in His Noble Numbers as in Hesperides. The majority of the “Pious Pieces,” like the poems in Hesperides, cannot be dated, but it is reasonable to assume that, just as Herrick wrote secular verse after he took holy orders, as a good Christian he probably wrote a certain amount of religious poetry before he became a priest. Moreover, it is the case that poems in Hesperides, especially those in the philosophical or meditative modes, can be viewed as pious pieces in the broader sense of that phrase.

In contrast to the originality and smooth assuredness of “The Argument of his Book,” the opening poem of His Noble Numbers is the ritualistic “His Confession,” which begs God to forgive all of Herrick’s works of “wanton wit”—the poems, ironically, that would win him his fame. The next poem, “His Prayer for Absolution,” repeats this refrain, begging pardon for his “unbaptized Rhimes” (which Herrick nonetheless printed) “Writ in my wild unhallowed Times.” These retraction-poems express the tension many 17th-century writers experienced between their desire to write secular verse and their sense of obligation to their faith.

These two poems are followed by a series of seven epigrams in which Herrick assumes the role of theologian (interestingly enough, the vicar of Dean Prior never explicitly adopts the role of priest in this collection). These succinct poems paradoxically explore the nature but ultimate unknowability of God. Many of the sacred epigrams in the collection are theological in nature, some of them quite abstract and abstruse, thus disproving the view that Herrick’s religion is “childlike.” Everywhere, the figure of the deity is dominant. In the first third of His Noble Numbers, God tends to be a remote figure who is both threatening and benign. Poems in which the Heavenly Father punishes his wicked children far outnumber those in which he exhibits paternal love. The initial third of Herrick’s “Pious Pieces” also includes “His Creed,” a poem that, because it sets forth the most basic Christian doctrine in 16 terse lines—as any versified catechism should—has led critics who have failed to read carefully all of His Noble Numbers to characterize the poet’s Christianity as “simplistic.”

The second third of Herrick’s sacred collection is marked by several ambitious lyrics on the infant Christ. Indeed, the Son of God figures more prominently in the middle section than in the first, and the effect is to soften the image of the Almighty as a punishing father. Consequently, the initial ambivalence about God expressed early in His Noble Numbers begins to dissipate. The most original poem in this group, however, “The white Island: or place of the Blest,” exhibits a mood and tone that are mixed, even elusive. The image of heaven as a white island seems to have been Herrick’s own, and not all readers will find it congenial. In contrast to existence on Earth (characterized as “the Isle of Dreames”), in “that Whiter Island” above, “Things are evermore sincere; / Candor here, and lustre there / Delighting.” Readers may be forgiven if they find Herrick’s promises of abstract “Pleasures” and “fresh joyes” unconvincing. This poem is one of very few in which Herrick’s intentions are unclear, reminding the reader, perhaps, how of the Earth, earthy, he is.

The final third of His Noble Numbers, like the rest of the collection, is made up mainly of sacred epigrams, almost any of which could serve as a kind of versified “text” on which a sermon could be based. Many of these epigrams, such as “Predestination,” offer succinct explanations of Christian doctrine or, such as “Almes,” are advisory or admonitory in nature. More personal is an important work in this part of the collection, “His meditation upon Death,” whose speaker sounds very much like the neo-Stoical Herrick of the secular poems—that is, one who professes to be “content” even if his earthly hours are numbered, and “indifferent” if a long life lies before him: living well, not long, is the key. Herrick vows to contemplate his own death every night when he retires, to “shun the least Temptation to a sin,” and expresses quiet confidence that, if he dies, he will “rise triumphant in my Funerall.” But what most marks this final group of religious poems is its emphasis upon a more human and humane deity. For example, one of several prayers entitled “To God” asks the Almighty to set aside the kind of “stately terrors” that evoked such anxiety from Herrick in the first third of the collection, urging God to “talke with me familiarly,” to become the kind of nurturing father figure the poet has sought for so long. Another poem named “To God” serves in a sense as the valediction of Herrick’s book. It asks his Heavenly Father to do what this poet has requested of a succession of friends, relatives, and patrons throughout Hesperides—to place a crown of “Lawrell” on his brow. “That done,” Herrick concludes, “with Honour Thou dost me create / Thy Poet, and Thy Prophet Lawreat.” His final image of the sacred poet, then, is identical to that of John Milton—as one who not only writes religious verse but through whom God himself can speak.

His Noble Numbers is actually brought to a close, however, with a dramatic series of ten poems on the Crucifixion and its aftermath, described as if the speaker (and the reader) are actual witnesses of the events. The first of these, “Good Friday: Rex Tragicus, or Christ going to His Crosse,” is one of Herrick’s most ambitious sacred works, an internal “dialogue of one” with this “markt-out man,” who must “this day act the Tragedian,” with the Cross for his stage. The Crucifixion scene is vividly evoked by theatrical metaphor, by Herrick’s mordantly witty descriptions of the “audience,” and through dramatic irony (the reader, for example, knows what part “that sowre Fellow, with his vinegar” will eventually play in this tragedy).

With similar artistic boldness, Herrick, in “His Saviours words, going to the Crosse,” has Christ touchingly describe himself as “a man of misierie!” A pattern poem in the shape of a cross follows, and the collection concludes with three works in which Herrick continues his role as a biblical character, here an Everyman who seeks out “his Saviours Sepulcher,” and discovers, in “His coming to the Sepulcher,” that “my sweet Savior’s gone!” But instead of the predictable celebration of the Resurrection to climax the poem (and indeed the collection as a whole), Herrick portrays himself as bewildered by the absence of Christ’s body, wondering, “Is He, from hence, gone to the shades beneath, / To vanquish Hell, as here He conquer’d Death?” Then, like a newly fledged hero of faith, Herrick vows, “If so; I’le thither follow, without feare; / And live in Hell, if that my Christ stayes there.” The envisioned scenario is extraordinary and perhaps unprecedented. The poem itself, indeed the sequence which it concludes, is a tour de force, as striking an ending to Herrick’s collection as “The Argument of his Book” and its self-referential successors are a beginning.

In the absence of much evidence, it is difficult to determine the kind of reception Hesperides received on its publication in 1648. The time, certainly, was far from propitious. Herrick’s world, riven and exhausted by the Civil War, would be turned completely upside down with the execution, only a year later, of the king to whom he had been so devoted. What is certain is that his book did not explode upon the literary scene nor did it, during his lifetime, bring him the literary fame he so avidly desired. He lived for 26 more years and died a poor country parson, whom no fellow poet seems to have commemorated with a verse-epitaph, much less an elegy. Most remarkably, in that 26 years, he appears to have ceased to write poetry: no extant poem from that period can with absolute certainty be attributed to him. It is as if the composition of all of those 1,402 “Works Both Humane & Divine” and their painstaking arrangement had exhausted Herrick’s creativity. He may have been embittered by his fate as a poet, and as a man, but one doubts it. Herrick was at once a realist about art and life and an optimist, one who knew all about careless readers and carping critics but who could still hope for a favorable judgment from time. That hope, of course, has been realized. Just as he predicted, Herrick’s tombstone has vanished, but in the last one hundred years at least, his better monument, his poetry, has led to his becoming more widely loved and more profoundly respected than even he, dreaming of literary immortality in remotest Devonshire, might have imagined.

In literature

Herrick appears in James Branch Cabell's "Concerning Corrina", published in his 1916 short-story volume The Certain Hour: Dizain des Poëtes. The story strongly suggests that the poet was an adept of the dark arts. Though technically a mystery or horror story, it is best classed as a philosophical comedy.

Herrick is a major character in Rose Macaulay's 1932 historical novel They Were Defeated.

Samuel Beckett's play Happy Days has the character Winnie quote from Herrick's "To the Virgins to Make Much of Time".[11][12]

Ken Bruenin his debut novel Rilke on Black makes Herrick's two-line poem "Dreams" a favorite with the protagonist Nick. Robert Herrick is one of many historical characters in the alternate history series 1632. The dedication in Thomas Burnett Swann's Will-o-the-Wisp (1976, ISBN 9780552103589) is "A novel suggested by the life of Robert Herrick, poet, vicar, and pagan". Herrick was referred to by the character Clement in HBO's 'Industry' (December 2020), in view of a candle on a birthday cake representing the passing of precious time.

In music

The first composers to set Herrick to music were near-contemporaries: at least 40 settings of 31 poems appear in manuscript and printed songbooks of 1624–1683, by Henry and William Lawes, John Wilson, Robert Ramsey and others. It is clear from references within Hesperides that many other settings have not survived.

From the early 20th century, Herrick's verse became popular with a range of composers. One of them, Fritz Hart, was by far the most prolific, with more than 120 settings composed throughout his life, mostly collected in Fourteen Songs, op. 10 (1912), Twenty-One Songs, op. 23 (1916), Twenty Five Songs in five sets, opp. 50–54 (1922), Nine Sets of Four Songs Each, opp. 82–90 (1930), Three Sets of Five Songs, opp. 148–150 (1941), and Two Sets of Five Songs, opp. 166–167 (1948).

Other settings from this period include:

Arnold Bax: To Daffodils; Eternity

Lennox Berkeley: How love came in

Havergal Brian: The Mad Maid's Song; Why dost thou wound, and break my heart?; The Night Piece

Frank Bridge: The Primrose; The Hag; Fair Daffodils

Benjamin Britten: Spring Symphony (To Violets); Five Flower Songs (To Daffodils; The Succession of the Four Sweet Months)

Benjamin Burrows: Upon Love; The Olive Branch; The Wounded Cupid; To Music

Samuel Coleridge-Taylor: The Guest (Scena)

Jean Coulthard: Threnody (Here a solemn fast we keep), choral setting (1935)

Walford Davies: Eternity; Noble Numbers, op. 28 (Weigh me the fire; God's Dwelling; Grace for a Child; What Sweeter Music)

Frederick Delius: To Daffodils

George Dyson: To Music

Christopher Edmunds: The Bellman

John Foulds: To Music

Ivor Gurney: To Violets; Lullaby

Joseph Holbrooke: To Dianeme

Herbert Howells: Here she lies, a pretty bud

Peter Hurford: Litany to the Holy Spirit

Hubert Parry: Julia

Roger Quilter: To Julia, op. 8 (The Bracelet ; The Maiden Blush; To Daisies; The Night Piece; Julia's Hair; Cherry Ripe). To Electra; Tulips

Dagmar de Corval Rybner: Bid Me to Live [17]

Alan Rawsthorne: To Daffodils

Hugh S. Roberton: Here a solemn fast we keep (threnody for equal voices, 1929)

Charles Villiers Stanford: To Carnations; To the Rose; A Welcome Song; To Music

Robert Still: To Julia; Upon Julia's Clothes

Donald Tovey: The Mad Maid's Song (in three parts)

Ralph Vaughan Williams: To Daffodils (two settings)

Peter Warlock: Two Short Songs (I held love's head; Thou gav'st me leave to kiss)

Leslie Woodgate: The White Island


56-) English Literature

56-) English Literature

Robert Herrick

Robert Herrick  , (baptized August 24, 1591, London, England—died October 1674, Dean Prior, Devonshire) was a 17th-century English lyric poet and Anglican cleric, the most original of the “sons of Ben [Jonson],” who revived the spirit of the ancient classic lyric. He is best known for Hesperides, a book of poems. This includes the carpe diem poem "To the Virgins, to Make Much of Time", with the first line "Gather ye rosebuds while ye may" and he is counted among the Cavalier poets.

Early life

Born in Cheapside, London , Robert Herrick, baptized on August 24, 1591, was the seventh child and fourth son of Nicholas Herrick, a prosperous goldsmith and Julian (or Juliana or Julia) Stone Herrick . He was named after an uncle, Robert Herrick (or Heyrick) , a prosperous Member of Parliament (MP) for Leicester, who had bought the land Greyfriars Abbey stood on after Henry VIII's dissolution in the mid-16th century. He was little more than 14 months old when his father apparently committed suicide by “falling” from an upper story window of his house in Cheapside on November 9, 1592. Nicholas Herrick died in a fall from a fourth-floor window in November 1592, when Robert was a year old (whether this was suicide remains unclear).[His mother never remarried, and it seems more than a coincidence that father figures would loom large in the poet’s Hesperides. One of that collection’s best-known works, for example, is “To the reverend shade of his religious Father,” in which Herrick resurrects his father by eternizing him in poetry: “For my life mortall, Rise from out thy Herse, / And take a life immortal from my Verse.”

The tradition that Herrick received his education at Westminster is based on the words "beloved Westminster" in his poem "Tears to Thamesis", but the allusion is to the city, not the school. It is more likely that he, like his uncle's children, attended The Merchant Taylors' School. In 1607 he became apprenticed to his other uncle, Sir William Herrick, a goldsmith and jeweller to the king. The apprenticeship ended after only six years, when Herrick, aged 22, gained admission at St John's College, Cambridge. He later migrated to Trinity Hall, graduating in 1617. Herrick became a member of the Sons of Ben, a group centred on an admiration for the works of Ben Jonson, to whom he wrote at least five poems. Herrick was ordained into the Church of England in 1623 and in 1629 became the vicar of Dean Prior in Devonshire.

As a boy, Herrick was apprenticed to his uncle, Sir William Herrick, a prosperous and influential goldsmith. In 1613 he went to the University of Cambridge, graduating in 1617. He took his M.A. in 1620 and was ordained in 1623. He then lived for a time in London, cultivating the society of the city’s wits, enlarging his acquaintance with writers (Ben Jonson being the most prominent) and musicians, and enjoying the round of court society. In 1627 he went as a chaplain to the duke of Buckingham on the military expedition to the Île de Ré to relieve La Rochelle from the French Protestants. He was presented with the living of Dean Prior (1629), where he remained for the rest of his life, except when, because of his Royalist sympathies, he was deprived of his post from 1646 until after the Restoration (1660).

By age 16 Herrick was apprenticed to his uncle, but apparently found either Sir William Herrick or the goldsmith trade incompatible, for the ten-year apprenticeship was terminated after six years. At the comparatively advanced age of 22, Herrick matriculated at Saint John’s College, Cambridge. Although his Hesperides would include a large number of commendatory poems to various relatives, none is addressed to Sir William. Extant, however, are 14 letters from young “Robin” to his uncle: full of filial humility, all ask for money out of the nephew’s own inheritance, which was apparently still controlled by Sir William. Limited means would eventually force Herrick to transfer to a less expensive college, Trinity Hall.

Between his graduation from Cambridge in 1617 and his appointment, 12 years later, as vicar of Dean Prior in Devonshire, tantalizingly little is known about Herrick’s life. It is almost certain, however, that some of this time was spent in London, where the budding poet at last found a surrogate father who lived up to his expectations, Ben Jonson. Paterfamilias to “the sons of Ben,” eminent poet, dramatist, actor, man of letters, London’s literary lion, Jonson became the subject of five of Herrick’s poems. Although all of the poems praise Jonson as an artist, the first two to appear in Hesperides, “Upon Master Ben. Johnson. Epigram” and “Another,” are not without ambivalence toward yet another “father” who has died (1637) and left his “son” behind. In the gently humorous “His Prayer to Ben Jonson,” Herrick implicitly promises the kind of “life immortal” (through his poem) that he had explicitly promised Nicholas Herrick in “To the reverend shade of his religious Father.” The poet’s ultimate contentment in his role as a “son of Ben” finds expression in the formality of his epitaph “Upon Ben Jonson” and in the intimacy and nostalgia of “An Ode for him.”

Civil War

In 1647, in the wake of the English Civil War, Herrick was ejected from his vicarage for refusing the Solemn League and Covenant. He returned to London to live in Westminster and depend on the charity of his friends and family. He spent some time preparing his lyric poems for publication and had them printed in 1648 under the title Hesperides; or the Works both Human and Divine of Robert Herrick, with a dedication to the Prince of Wales.

Restoration and later life

When King Charles II was restored to the throne in 1660, Herrick petitioned for his own restoration to his living. He had obtained favour by writing verses celebrating the births of both Charles II and his brother James before the Civil War. Herrick became the vicar of Dean Prior again in the summer of 1662 and lived there until his death in October 1674, at the age of 83. His date of death is unknown, but he was buried on 15 October.

Herrick was a bachelor all his life. Many of the women he names in his poems are thought to be fictional [by whom?].


Saturday, January 13, 2024

55-) English Literature

55-) English Literature



Lady Mary Wroth  

Lady Mary Wroth (née Sidney; 18 October 1587 – 1651/3) was an English noblewoman and a poet of the English Renaissance. A member of a distinguished literary family, Lady Wroth was among the first female English writers to have achieved an enduring reputation. Mary Wroth was niece to Mary Herbert née Sidney (Countess of Pembroke and one of the most distinguished women writers and patrons of the 16th century), and to Sir Philip Sidney, a famous Elizabethan poet-courtier.

Lady Mary Wroth was the first Englishwoman to write a complete sonnet sequence as well as an original work of prose fiction. Although earlier women writers of the 16th century had mainly explored the genres of translation, dedication, and epitaph, Wroth openly transgressed the traditional boundaries by writing secular love poetry and romances. Her verse was celebrated by the leading poets of the age, including Ben Jonson, George Chapman, Josuah Sylvester, and others. Despite the controversy over the publication in 1621 of her major work of fiction, The Countess of Montgomery’s Urania, Wroth continued writing a second part of her romance and composed a five-act pastoral drama, Love’s Victory.

Biography

The eldest daughter of Sir Robert Sidney and Lady Barbara Gamage, Wroth was probably born on October 18, 1587, a date derived from the Sidney correspondence. She belonged to a prominent literary family, known for its patronage of the arts. Her uncle, Sir Philip Sidney, was a leading Elizabethan poet, statesman, and soldier, whose tragic death in the Netherlands elevated him to the status of national hero. Wroth was influenced by some of her uncle’s literary works, including his sonnet sequence Astrophil and Stella (1591); a prose romance, intermingled with poetry, The Countess of Pembroke’s Arcadia (existing in two distinct versions, the second of which was published in 1590); and a pastoral entertainment, The Lady of May (written in 1578 or 1579).

Wroth’s father, Sir Robert Sidney, was also a poet (his verse survived in a single manuscript and did not appear in print until 1984). Following the death of Philip, Robert was appointed to fill his brother’s post as governor of Flushing in the Netherlands, where he served throughout much of Wroth’s childhood. He kept in close touch with his family through visits and letters; his friend and adviser Rowland Whyte wrote Sidney frequent reports concerning his eldest child, whom he affectionately nicknamed “little Mall.”

Because her father, Robert Sidney, was governor of Flushing, Wroth spent much of her childhood at the home of Mary Sidney, Baynard's Castle in London, and at Penshurst Place. Penshurst Place was one of the great country houses in the Elizabethan and Jacobean period. It was a centre of literary and cultural activity and its gracious hospitality is praised in Ben Jonson's famous poem To Penshurst. During a time when most women were illiterate, Wroth had the privilege of a formal education, which was obtained from household tutors under the guidance of her mother. With her family connections, a career at court was all but inevitable. Wroth danced before Queen Elizabeth on a visit to Penshurst and again in court in 1602. At this time a likeness of her as a girl in a group portrait of Lady Sidney and her children was painted by Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger in 1596, and is now on display at Penshurst. As a young woman, Lady Mary belonged to Queen Anne’s intimate circle of friends and actively participated in masques and entertainments.

On 27 September 1604, King James I married Mary to Sir Robert Wroth of Loughton Hall. The marriage was not happy; there were issues between the two beginning with difficulties over her father’s payment of her dowry. In a letter written to his wife, Sir Robert Sidney described different meetings with Robert Wroth, who was often distressed by the behaviour of Mary shortly after their marriage. Robert Wroth appeared to have been a gambler, philanderer and a drunkard. More evidence of the unhappy union comes from poet and friend Ben Jonson, who noted that ‘my Lady Wroth is unworthily married on a Jealous husband’. Various letters from Lady Mary to Queen Anne also refer to the financial losses her husband had sustained during their time together.

During her marriage, Mary became known for her literary endeavours and also for her performances in several masques. In 1605 she danced at the Whitehall Banqueting House in The Masque of Blackness, which was designed by Ben Jonson and Inigo Jones. Mary Wroth joined the Queen and her friends in the production; all of whom painted their skin black to portray Ethiopian nymphs who called themselves the 'twelve daughters of Niger'. The masque was very successful and was the first in a long series of similar court entertainments. The ‘twelve daughters of Niger’ also appeared in The Masque of Beauty in 1608, also designed by Jonson and Jones. However, despite the success there were some less than favourable reviews, some referring to the women's portrayal of the daughters of Niger as ugly and unconvincing.[9]

In February 1614 Mary gave birth to a son James: a month after this her husband Robert Wroth died of gangrene leaving Mary deeply in debt. Two years later Wroth's son died causing Mary to lose the Wroth estate to John Wroth, the next male heir to the entail. There is no evidence to suggest that Wroth was unfaithful to her husband, but after his death she entered a relationship with her cousin William Herbert, 3rd Earl of Pembroke. Mary and William shared interests in arts and literature and had been childhood friends. They had at least two illegitimate children, a daughter Catherine and son William. In "Herbertorum Prosapia", a seventeenth-century manuscript compilation of the history of the Herbert family (held at the Cardiff Library), Sir Thomas Herbert – a cousin of the Earl of Pembroke – recorded William Herbert's paternity of Wroth's two children. Mary Wroth's alleged relationship with William Herbert and her children born from that union are referenced in her work, The Countess of Montgomery’s Urania. It is also claimed that William Herbert was a favourite of Queen Anne and that she is the reason he gained the position of the King's Lord Chamberlain in 1615. In Urania, Wroth repeatedly returns to references to a powerful and jealous Queen who exiles her weaker rival from the court in order to obtain her lover, causing many critics to believe this referenced

tension between Queen Anne and Wroth over the love of Herbert.

The publication of the book in 1621 was a succès de scandale, as it was widely (and with some justification) viewed as a roman à clef. The diffuse plot is organized around relations between Pamphilia and her wandering lover, Amphilanthus, and most critics consider it to contain significant autobiographical elements. Although Wroth claimed that she never had any intention of publishing the book, she was heavily criticized by powerful noblemen for depicting their private lives under the guise of fiction. However, her period of notoriety was brief after the scandal aroused by these allusions in her romance; Urania was withdrawn from sale by December 1621. Two of the few authors to acknowledge this work were Ben Jonson and Edward Denny. Jonson, a friend and colleague of Mary Wroth praised both Wroth and her works in "Sonnet to the noble Lady, the Lady Mary Wroth." Jonson claims that copying Wroth's works he not only became a better poet, but a better lover. Denny on the other hand provides a very negative critique of Wroth's work; he accused her of slander in a satiric poem, calling her a "hermaphrodite" and a "monster". While Wroth returned fire in a poem of her own, the notoriety of the episode may have contributed to her low profile in the last decades of her life. There was also a second half of Urania, which was published for the first time in 1999, the original manuscript of which now resides in the Newberry Library in Chicago. According to Shelia T. Cavanaugh, the second portion of the work was never prepared by Wroth for actual publication and the narrative contains many inconsistencies and is somewhat difficult to read.

After the publication issues surrounding Urania, Wroth left King James's court and was later abandoned by William Herbert. There is little known about Wroth's later years but it is known that she continued to face major financial difficulties for the remainder of her life. Wroth died in either 1651 or 1653. Mary is commemorated in Loughton by the naming of a footpath adjacent to Loughton Hall as Lady Mary's Path.

One of the most powerful forces in shaping Wroth’s literary career was her aunt and godmother, Mary Sidney, who was married to Henry Herbert, second Earl of Pembroke. Her country estate at Wilton served as a gathering place for a diverse number of poets, theologians, and scientists. The countess of Pembroke wrote poetry and translations from French and Italian, but even more important, she boldly published her works at a time when few women dared: her Antonius, a translation of Robert Garnier’s French drama, appeared in print in 1592, along with her translation of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay’s treatise A Discourse of Life and Death. She also assumed an active role as editor of the surviving works of her brother Philip and as a literary patron. One of her crowning achievements was the completion of the metrical version of the Psalms she had begun as a joint project with Philip; she heavily revised his first 43 psalms and then added 107 of her own. Her experiments in a variety of metrical and verse forms probably helped inspire Wroth’s own interest in lyrical technique. Wroth offered highly sympathetic portraits of her aunt as the Queen of Naples in the Urania, where she is described as “perfect in Poetry, and all other Princely vertues as any woman that ever liv’d,” and as Simena (an anagram for Mary Sidney) in Love’s Victory.

Wroth’s education was largely informal, obtained from household tutors under the guidance of her mother. Rowland Whyte reported in 1595 that “she is very forward in her learning, writing, and other exercises she is put to, as dawncing and the virginals.” Whyte’s letters make frequent reference to her musical education; he reassured her absent father that the children “are kept at ther bookes, they dance, they sing, they play on the lute, and are carefully kept unto yt.” It is also likely that Wroth learned French during her childhood trips to the Lowlands with her family.

Negotiations for her marriage began as early as 1599, and she eventually married Sir Robert Wroth, the son of a wealthy Essex landowner, at Penshurst on September 27, 1604. Disagreements between the couple began almost immediately. In a letter Sir Robert Sidney described his unexpected meeting in London with the bridegroom, who was greatly discontented with his new wife. Fundamental differences of temperament and interests quickly became apparent.

Sir Robert Wroth, knighted by James I in 1603, rapidly advanced in the king’s favor because of his skill in hunting. He maintained country homes at Durrance and Loughton Hall, which the king visited on hunting expeditions with his friends. Ben Jonson commemorated the visits in his poem “To Sir Robert Wroth,” in which he described how James I “makes thy house his court.” Unlike his wife, who served as an important patron of the arts, Wroth appears to have had few literary interests. During his entire career, only one book was dedicated to him—a treatise on mad dogs.

Ben Jonson in his conversations with William Drummond succinctly observed that Mary Wroth was “unworthily maried on a Jealous husband.” More unflattering testimony is offered by Sir John Leeke, a servant of Mary Wroth’s, who described a relative’s husband as “the foulest Churle in the world; he hath only one vertu that he seldom cometh sober to bedd, a true imitation of Sir Robert Wroth.” Indeed, the experience of an unhappy marriage seems to have inspired many episodes in Mary Wroth’s prose fiction, especially those involving arranged marriages established primarily for financial reasons. On the other hand, her husband’s favor with James I helped place Mary Wroth in the center of court activities. She gained one of the most coveted honors, a role in the first masque designed by Ben Jonson in collaboration with Inigo Jones, The Masque of Blackness, performed at Whitehall on January 6, 1605. She joined Queen Anne and 11 of her closest friends in disguising themselves as Black Ethiopian nymphs. She also appeared with the queen in The Masque of Beauty, performed at Whitehall on January 10, 1608. She may have acted in other court masques for which the performance lists are incomplete, and it is likely that she attended masques such as Hymenaei (performed in 1606), The Masque of Queens (performed in 1609), and Oberon (performed in 1611). In the Urania she alluded to Lord Hay’s Masque (performed in 1607) by Thomas Campion and probably to Tethys’ Festival (performed in 1610) by Samuel Daniel. She also included descriptions of imaginary masques, complete with spectacular stage effects, in the second part of her romance.

Her Writing Career

By 1613 Wroth had begun her writing career—as revealed in Josuah Sylvester’s elegy for Prince Henry, Lachrymæ Lachrymarum (1613), in which he refers to her verse and praises her as “AL-WORTH Sidnëides / In whom, her Uncle’s noble Veine renewes.” Her poems apparently circulated in manuscript long before their publication in 1621. Ben Jonson refers to “exscribing,” or copying out, her verses in one of his poems addressed to her. An early version of her sonnet sequence Pamphilia to Amphilanthus survives in a single manuscript, neatly copied in Wroth’s own formal italic hand, now at the Folger Shakespeare Library.

This autograph version of Wroth’s sequence consists of 110 songs and sonnets, plus 7 miscellaneous pieces. The sequence opens with the dream vision of Pamphilia, whose name means “all-loving,” in which she describes the triumph of Venus and Cupid over her heart. The first section of 55 poems reveals Pamphilia’s conflicting emotions as she attempts to resolve the struggle between passionate surrender and self-affirmation. The Petrarchan model of the male lover wooing a cold, unpitying lady posed a genuine challenge to Wroth, who could not simply reverse the gender roles. Instead of presenting her female persona in active pursuit of Amphilanthus, whose name means “lover of two,” Wroth completely omits the Petrarchan rhetoric of wooing and courtship. She addresses most of the sonnets to Cupid, night, grief, fortune, or time, rather than directly to Amphilanthus, whose name appears only in the title of the sequence.

A revised version of the sonnet cycle, printed at the end of the prose romance Urania (1621), consists of 83 sonnets and 20 songs. Wroth tightened the structure of the sequence by rearranging the poems in four distinct yet interrelated sections. While the order of the first group of 55 poems was left relatively unchanged, the second was heavily revised to explore the darker side of passion, especially through the use of the blind boy Cupid as a symbol of infantile, self-centered, sensual emotion. Pamphilia’s harsh mockery of Cupid produces a guilty reaction when she suddenly repents of treason against the god of love and vows to reward him with a “Crowne” of praise, a group of fourteen sonnets imitating the Italian verse form the corona, in which the last line of the first sonnet serves as the first line of the next.

Wroth’s “Crowne of Sonnets” represents a technical tour de force, as well as a central turning point in Pamphilia’s inner debate. In this third section the persona attempts to redirect her thoughts to glorify Cupid as a fully mature monarch, a figure of divine love. Critics differ in their interpretations of this section, with some regarding Pamphilia as achieving an ascent to heavenly love. Others maintain that Pamphilia ends as she began, trapped in fearful perplexity: “In this strang labourinth how shall I turne?” (the line that opens and closes the “Crowne”).

Some of the sonnets in the final group of the sequence are extremely melancholy in tone, with predominant imagery drawn from the winter world of clouds, shadows, and darkness. Yet a fragile hope emerges in the last two sonnets, where Pamphilia claims that her suffering has taught her how to value spiritual love, and in her farewell poem she vows to leave behind the discourse of Venus and Cupid.

In many of the songs found throughout the sequence, Wroth adopts the pastoral mode, wherein Pamphilia speaks as a lovelorn shepherdess. The pastoral disguise allowed Wroth to set a vision of idyllic, innocent love alongside the actuality of the corrupt and inconstant passion of the court. As Ann Rosalind Jones has argued, the pastoral mode provided Wroth and other women poets with a vehicle to criticize sexual politics and masculine power. For example, one of Wroth’s late songs, “Come merry spring delight us,” begins with a cheerful invocation of spring and the renewal of nature, but the final stanza turns to the image of Philomela, who had been transformed into a nightingale following her rape by Tereus. Unlike her male predecessors, Wroth insists upon Philomela’s continued pain and suffering, which memory cannot erase. Significantly, Wroth incorporated the pastoral mode in all three of her major works—her sonnet sequence, prose fiction, and drama.

Because Wroth composed her sequence long after the Elizabethan rage for sonneteering in the 1590s had passed, she had many earlier models at her disposal. Her father’s unpublished collection of sonnets served as a particularly important influence. These love poems addressed to a lady named Charys, probably written during Robert Sidney’s wartime exile from England, express a dark atmosphere of brooding hopelessness and death. Sidney attempted to write a corona as part of his sequence, but completed only four poems and a quatrain of a fifth. Perhaps Wroth regarded this unfinished “Crowne” as a challenge for her poetic talents in writing her own version. Also various verbal echoes of her father’s imagery can be found in other poems. Similarly, Wroth appears to have drawn on her uncle’s Astrophil and Stella, especially for the treatment of wayward Cupid and for verse forms. Yet Wroth avoids Philip Sidney’s ironic raillery by creating instead a tone of more repressed anger and restrained sorrow.

Another influence on Wroth may have been the verse of her first cousin and lover, William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke. Some of his surviving lyrics, which were not printed until 1660—such as his poem beginning, “Can you suspect a change in me, / And value your own constancy?”—can be read as answers or comments on Pamphilia’s constancy. Wroth knew Pembroke from childhood, when she met him at family gatherings at Wilton and at Baynard’s Castle, the London home of the Pembrokes. His younger brother, Philip, actually lived for a while in the Sidney household, and William visited three or four times a week.

Although Wroth and Pembroke shared close ties of kinship, they were separated by a great disparity in wealth. Because Pembroke was one of the richest peers in England, his family anticipated a marriage that would enhance his vast holdings of property, but he appears to have resisted their efforts to select a bride; instead he conducted an affair with the courtier Mary Fitton, who bore his child. When he steadfastly refused to marry her, he was sent to Fleet Prison for a brief period in 1601. After his father’s death, Pembroke negotiated his own marital settlement with Mary Talbot, who was coheir to the immense wealth of Gilbert Talbot, seventh Earl of Shrewsbury. In The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (1702–1704), Edward Hyde, first Earl of Clarendon, commented on Pembroke’s financial motivation, “for he paid much too dear for his wife’s fortune, by taking her person into the bargain.” They were wed on November 4, 1604, less than three months after Mary Wroth’s marriage.

It is clear from the Sidney correspondence that Mary Wroth’s relationship with Pembroke continued after her marriage, for he was a visitor at her home, Loughton Hall, and participated in many of the same family and court gatherings. During this period Pembroke steadily progressed in royal favor, becoming a leading statesman under James I, and serving successively as lord chamberlain and lord steward. He also became a distinguished patron of Jonson and William Shakespeare; the first folio of Shakespeare’s plays was jointly dedicated to Pembroke and to his brother Philip Herbert, Earl of Montgomery.

One of the few concrete means of identifying Pembroke as the “Amphilanthus” of Wroth’s sequence occurs in the text of the second part of the prose romance Urania. Here Wroth assigns to the character Amphilanthus a poem that was identified as Pembroke’s in three early 17th-century manuscript collections: “Had I loved butt att that rate.” Wroth did not risk explicitly identifying Pembroke within the sonnet cycle itself, however, and only in the final sonnet is there even a possibility of a pun on his first name: “The endless gaine which never will remove.”

Pembroke’s presence may certainly have contributed to the unhappiness of Mary Wroth’s marriage, but Robert Wroth’s last testament suggests that her husband finally rested on good terms with both parties. He specifically chose Pembroke as one of the overseers of his will and left him a bequest of silver plate. Wroth described Mary as a “deere and loving wife,” who deserved far better recompense than his debts would allow. He made special provision in his will to assign Mary “all her books and furniture of her studdye and closett.” Wroth’s husband died on March 14, 1614, only a month after the birth of her first child, James, who was named in honor of the king and christened with Pembroke and her mother in attendance.

Wroth’s financial situation was radically altered after her husband’s death, for she found herself with a young child and an estate charged with a 23,000-pound debt. When her son died on July 5, 1616, her predicament was made even more difficult because much of the estate fell to Robert Wroth’s uncle, John Wroth.

As a widow, Wroth appears to have lived for a period at Pembroke’s London home, Baynard’s Castle, for its name appears on several of her letters, and one of her correspondents refers to her “study” there. During this period she bore Pembroke two illegitimate children, whose births are recorded in a manuscript history of the family compiled by Sir Thomas Herbert of Tintern, which is now at the Cardiff Central Library. One was a son, William, who later became a captain under Sir Henry Herbert and a colonel under Prince Maurice; the other was a daughter, Catherine, who married a Mr. Lovel living near Oxford. The dates of their births are not listed, but Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, sent a congratulatory poem to Mary Wroth which includes a likely reference to one of the children: “A Merry Rime Sent to Lady Mary Wroth upon the birth of my Lord of Pembroke’s Child. Born in the spring.” He may have sent a copy to Pembroke, who wrote a letter, dated March 28, 1620, thanking him for “congratulating with me yo’r little cousin.” However, the evidence for dating the births of the children is very inconclusive.

Following her husband’s death, Wroth suffered a decline in royal favor. She lost her place among Queen Anne’s intimate circle of friends, although the exact cause of her downfall is uncertain. In some of the autobiographical episodes in the Urania, Wroth attributed her loss of the queen’s favor to slander spread by envious rivals. Her relationship with Pembroke may have fueled the gossip, but certainly after her husband’s death she lacked the financial ability to participate in the lavish court entertainments. She was, however, named as a member of the official procession of the state funeral for Queen Anne in 1619, and James I showed her a small measure of favor by issuing a warrant in 1621 to William Cecil, second Earl of Salisbury, to provide her with deer from the king’s forest.

Wroth maintained her close ties to the Sidney family, as Anne Clifford recorded in her diary, where she mentions seeing Wroth at Penshurst, the Sidney home, and hearing her “news from beyond sea.” One of Wroth’s sources of foreign information was probably Dudley Carleton, ambassador to the Hague, with whom she corresponded in 1619. In these letters she mentions his recent presence at Loughton Hall, refers to some “rude lines” she had given him, and thanks him profusely for a gift. During this time there was also some speculation that Wroth might marry Henry de Vere, 18th Earl of Oxford (1593–1625), but he eventually married Diana Cecil.

The earl of Oxford’s sister was Wroth’s closest friend: Susan Vere, the first wife of Sir Philip Herbert, Earl of Montgomery (Pembroke’s brother). The two women had known one another as early as 1605, when they participated together in The Masque of Blackness, and they exchanged frequent visits. As Pembroke’s sister-in-law, Susan was a part of a tightly knit circle. She was also known for her literary patronage, extending from religious works (John Donne sent her a copy of one of his sermons) to secular prose romances of all types. In the dedication to a translation (1619) of the 14th-century Spanish romance Amadis de Gaule, Anthony Munday thanked the countess for her help in obtaining the best Spanish editions of the romance. Among other fiction, the first English translation (1620) of Honoré d’Urfé’s Astrée (1607–1627) was dedicated to the countess and her husband.

When Wroth began to compose her own prose romance in the period 1618–1620, the countess of Montgomery was the logical dedicatee of her work. Wroth also paid her the highest compliment in creating the fictional character Urania in her honor. Named after the heavenly muse, Urania appears in the opening scene of the romance as a grief-stricken shepherdess who has just learned that the country couple who reared her from childhood are not her actual parents. To discover her true identity, she must undertake an arduous quest, which eventually leads to a climactic scene late in the romance when she receives a book describing her royal heritage. Wroth’s characterization of Urania is the first extended portrait of a woman by a woman in English. In addition, Wroth’s treatment of the friendship between Urania and Pamphilia provides one of the most important links in a vast panorama of tales and tellers.

Wroth’s sonnet cycle describing the intense, ambivalent passion of Pamphilia for Amphilanthus appears to have furnished the nucleus for her fiction, in which she developed the background and motivation of each of the central characters in far greater detail. In the prose romance, Pamphilia, the eldest daughter of the King of Morea, is designated by her unmarried uncle as the heir to his kingdom of Pamphilia (located on the south coast of Asia Minor). Despite her feelings for Amphilanthus, she vows to remain a virgin monarch and to dedicate her life to the service of her country, undoubtedly in imitation of Elizabeth I. Her beloved Amphilanthus, the eldest son of the King of Naples, is crowned King of the Romans and eventually emperor, but despite his many virtues, he has one major flaw, his inconstancy. In the course of the Urania he betrays Pamphilia with a variety of female characters but returns each time begging her forgiveness.

The title page of the Urania features an engraving of one of the central episodes of the fiction, the Throne of Love. The Dutch artist Simon van de Passe based his engraving on Wroth’s detailed description of an adventure in Cyprus, the traditional habitation of Venus (according to poets from Ovid to Petrarch). Wroth describes how a violent tempest shipwrecks the major characters on the island, where they soon discover a splendid palace high on a hill, which may be reached only by means of a bridge topped by three towers. The first tower to the left is Cupid’s Tower, or the Tower of Desire, reserved as a place of punishment for false lovers. The second, belonging to Venus, is the Tower of Love, which may be entered by any suitors able to face such threats as Jealousy, Despair, and Fear. The third tower, guarded by the figure of Constancy, cannot be entered until the other obstacles have been overcome. Constancy holds the keys to the Throne of Love, a palace that is open to a very few. This episode not only provides a central point of reference for the entire romance, but it also functions as a landmark to measure the central couple’s troubled relationship.

The end of the first book seems to affirm the special status of Pamphilia and Amphilanthus as heroic lovers. Despite all their misunderstandings, the pair returns to Cyprus, where they are able to free their female friends who are trapped inside the first two towers. When Pamphilia holds the keys to Constancy, the statue on the third tower actually metamorphoses itself into her breast. Although the Throne of Love may at first appear to be an idealized vision of the relation between the sexes, Wroth soon shows that it is a delusion that frustrates and thwarts the major characters. The anticipated marriage between the King of Cyprus and the Princess of Rhodes fails to materialize, as do most of the other promised unions, including that of the central pair of lovers. At the end of the second book Pamphilia herself falls prisoner at the enchanted Theater of the Rocks, so that her role is transformed from that of rescuer to victim. When Amphilanthus comes to her aid, he appears arm-in-arm with two other women, emblems of his infidelity. In the fourth book Wroth presents the “Hell of Deceit,” in which each lover sees the other undergoing torture but is powerless to intervene; the insurmountable wall of doubt and suspicion is never overcome, even in the second, unpublished part of Wroth’s romance.

The complete Urania includes more than 300 characters, and thus a brief summary does not do justice to its intricate plot with many first-person narratives and inset tales. Wroth emphasizes the social conditions that oppressed early-17th-century women, especially their lack of freedom to choose a marital partner. She offers tales describing the horrors of enforced marriage, where a woman’s consent might be obtained by means of physical or psychological abuse. Wroth also presents female figures who demonstrate active resistance to parental authority, although their acts of self-determination are often fraught with tragedy. As Maureen Quilligan has argued, one of the most important underlying concerns in the Urania is the “traffic in women,” whereby males freely exchange females as property.

Some of the tales appear to be autobiographical, but Wroth mingled fact and fantasy in the portraits of herself, carefully modifying and refashioning the major events of her life. Pamphilia herself tells the tale of Lindamira (an anagram for Lady Mary), “faigning it to be written in a French Story,” but at the conclusion her audience suspects that it is “some thing more exactly related then a fixion.” In this tale Wroth traces her own career as a courtier and poet, including her loss of royal favor, which she protests as unjust. Lindamira concludes with a group of seven sonnets, an exact mirror of the larger Urania, with its appended sonnet sequence. The tale of Bellamira also seems to be largely autobiographical, although it includes a fictional subplot involving her father. Wroth’s multiple self-portraits within the Urania—Pamphilia, Lindamira, Bellamira, and others—suggest a continuous struggle of self-representation, in which the author seeks to assert and justify her behavior in the face of a hostile, disapproving court.

Throughout the text of the Urania , Wroth intersperses a total of 56 poems, which underline key moments of crisis or discovery. Ranging in genre from sonnets to madrigals, dialogues, ballads, and pastoral narratives, the poems reveal experimentation in a variety of meters, most notably sapphics. Wroth adapts the poems to fit the different personalities of her characters, from the nervous, high-strung Antissia to the comically loquacious Florentine. She also includes poems specifically based on her uncle’s Arcadia, such as a sonnet Pamphilia carves on the bark of an ash tree. Despite the outward similarity of this poem to Sidney’s, Wroth recasts the view of woman from a passive subject of love’s mastery to an active, controlling artist.

Indeed, many of Wroth’s borrowings from earlier sources reveal an effort to transform the original material by reversing major conventions. In the first scene of her romance Wroth alludes to the opening of Sidney’s revised Arcadia, in which two shepherds lament the disappearance of the mysterious shepherdess Urania, who never actually appears in Sidney’s fiction. Wroth, however, creates her Urania as a fully human female, who refuses to accept society’s narrow roles. When Perissus mistakes her for a spirit, he apologizes, saying, “but now I see you are a woman; and therefore not much to be marked.” Urania disputes his sexist judgment by demonstrating her ability to save him, a pattern that is continually repeated in the romance.

Other sources include Amadis de Gaule, which provided Wroth with details for some of the major enchantments. Edmund Spenser’s Faerie Queene (1590, 1596) furnished the inspiration for some episodes, including the account of the Hell of Deceit at the end of the published Urania. D’Urfé’s Astrée, with its portrayal of the inconstant male figure Hylas, may have influenced Wroth’s treatment of Amphilanthus. Another Continental romance, Jorge de Montemayor’s Diana, translated by Bartholomew Yong (1598), includes a female seer, Felicia, who probably served as a model for Wroth’s Mellissea. Finally, the appearance of Miguel de Cervantes’ Don Quixote (1605), translated into English in 1612, popularized the satirical, self-critical romance, a mode which clearly appealed to Wroth in shaping the Urania.

Another significant development in the genre was the roman à clef, which includes allusions to actual persons and places. Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron (1558) as well as Sidney’s two Arcadias include thinly veiled characters, but John Barclay’s Argenis (1621) was a systematic roman à clef, which commanded a wide audience at the Jacobean court. Wroth seems to have based the major characters of the Urania on members of the Sidney-Herbert family, although she exercised considerable artistic freedom. In addition, Wroth derived subplots from court figures and scandals. Her contemporaries recognized the allusions, as revealed in John Chamberlain’s letters and in Sir Aston Cokayne’s verse: “The Lady Wrothe’s Urania is repleat / With elegancies, but too full of heat.”

One of the courtiers who identified himself in the fiction was Sir Edward Denny, Baron of Waltham, who was outraged to find his personal affairs recounted in the episode of Seralius and his father-in-law. He responded by launching a vicious attack against the Urania and its author, with his complaints eventually reaching the ears of the king. He even wrote an insulting poem, addressed “To Pamphilia from the father-in-law of Seralius,” in which he vilified Wroth as “Hermophradite in show, in deed a monster / As by thy words and works all men may conster.” Undaunted, Wroth returned his insults in rhymes which match his, word for word: “Hirmophradite in sense in Art a monster / As by your railing rimes the world may conster.”

Writing to her friends in an effort to rally support, she assured King James’s favorite, George Villiers, first Duke of Buckingham, that she never meant her work to offend and volunteered to stop the sale of it. Her letter is especially revealing because she states that the books “were solde against my minde I never purposing to have had them published” (December 15, 1621). It is clearly possible that her manuscript may have been pirated and entered for publication in the Stationers’ Register without her permission; the absence of any dedicatory epistles or prefatory matter in the book is very unusual. On the other hand, Wroth admitted sending the duke of Buckingham her own personal copy, and the illustration for the title page was chosen by someone very familiar with the nature of her romance.

Following the storm of criticism, the book was never reprinted, but it continued to be read throughout the 17th century. The Urania may have furnished the dramatist James Shirley with plot material for his play The Politician (1655). Edward Phillips, John Milton’s nephew, listed Wroth in his catalogue of “Women Among the Moderns Eminent for Poetry” (Theatrum Poetarum, 1675). Nor was she forgotten by other women writers, for Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, quoted the final couplet from Denny’s diatribe against Wroth in the preface to her Sociable Letters (1664); Cavendish was the first woman to publish her fiction in more than 40 years after the controversy over Urania.

Wroth herself was not completely silenced by the quarrel, for she continued writing a second, unpublished part of the Urania, which survives in a holograph manuscript of nearly 240,000 words at the Newberry Library in Chicago. The manuscript is divided into two volumes and picks up immediately with the final word of the printed book. This unfinished, second part of the Urania describes the continuing struggles of Pamphilia and Amphilanthus, along with a second generation of princes and princesses. Of special interest is Wroth’s account of several children, born out of wedlock, who occupy important positions by virtue of individual merit rather than birth. Wroth also tells how the major couple falls victim to the manipulations of a lying servant, who tricks each partner into believing in the other’s betrayal. Pamphilia’s marriage to the Tartarian king, Rodomandro, is described in great detail as is Amphilanthus’s wedding to the Princess of Slavonia. Only near the very end of the manuscript do the characters rejoin on the island of Cyprus, where amid reminders of the earlier enchantment of the Throne of Love, they achieve a reconciliation as Platonic lovers. The manuscript breaks off shortly after in midsentence, with Amphilanthus left in search of one of the illegitimate children, the mysterious Faire Designe.

While writing the second part of Urania in the 1620s, Wroth was probably also at work on her play Love’s Victory, since the two works share a common plot and characters. In the second volume of the Urania manuscript, Wroth describes a group of eight lovers, led by a distinguished brother and sister who excel in writing poetry. Appearing in both works are the disguised shepherds Arcas and Rustick, along with the fickle Magdaline (her name is shortened to Dalina in the play), and in both works the young lovers suffer as a result of Cupid’s revenge. Wroth’s drama is a pastoral tragicomedy, probably written for private presentation, although no record of its performance has been discovered so far.

It is not surprising that Wroth would undertake a play, given her interest in dramatic entertainments. In addition to performing in masques, she was a participant in Ben Jonson’s nonextant pastoral drama The May Lord, according to William Drummond’s Conversations, recorded in 1619. Jonson himself dedicated to her one of his finest plays, The Alchemist (1612). Her writings include many allusions to playacting, with several specific references to the cross-dressed boy actors. Pembroke’s London home, Baynard’s Castle, where Wroth frequently stayed, was located next to the private theater Blackfriars; immediately across the Thames was the Globe. Pembroke himself was directly involved with the players both as patron of an acting company, Pembroke’s Men, and in his official capacity as lord chamberlain.

Wroth’s drama depicts four contrasting couples who illustrate a variety of human responses to love. The virtuous lovers Philisses and Musella triumph over a period of serious misunderstanding as well as parental interference. The second couple, Lissius and Simena, must learn to overcome baser emotions—scornful pride and jealousy. At the other end of the spectrum are the Neoplatonic lovers, the Forester and Silvesta, who have dedicated themselves to chastity. Their comic counterparts are Rustic and Dalina, who frantically pursue earthly pleasures. Three rival lovers complicate the plot (Lacon, Climena, and Fillis), together with the villainous shepherd Arcas.

Presiding over the action are the mythological figures Venus and Cupid, who serve as internal commentators and appear before each act of the play. Because Venus believes that humans disdain their immortal power, she urges Cupid to make the young lovers suffer by shooting them with arrows of jealousy, malice, fear, and mistrust. The opening of Wroth’s play echoes one of the best-known dramatic pastorals, Torquato Tasso’s Aminta (1573), where a belligerent Cupid appears as prologue to the play. Many subsequent dramatists copied Tasso’s device, including Ben Jonson, who placed Cupid as a commentator in several of his masques and plays, especially Cynthia’s Revels (1601). Wroth’s patterned design of multiple pairs of lovers also shows the influence of earlier pastoral dramas such as Giovanni Battista Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido (1590), John Fletcher’s The Faithful Shepherdess (1609?), and Samuel Daniel’s Hymen’s Triumph (1615). Wroth’s use of the sleeping potion in the fifth act may derive from Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet (1597), although it was a common stage device.

Wroth’s play survives in two versions: a complete fair copy at Penshurst, and an incomplete, earlier version at the Huntington Library (which omits the opening dialogue between Venus and Cupid, their dialogue at the end of act 3, and most of the fifth act). The incomplete version, however, provides a clear indication of Wroth’s methods of composition, in which the mythological parts appear to have been written last and inserted into the rest of the text. Wroth also developed the play’s setting to provide for Venus’s temple and a chorus of priests, as well as some further stage directions, such as the appearance of Venus and Cupid in the clouds (a masquelike feature).

Wroth’s pastoral drama resembles her other works by including thinly disguised personal allusions. The name of the protagonist Philisses probably refers to her uncle Sir Philip Sidney, while Musella combines the muse of poetry with the Stella of Sidney’s sonnet sequence. Philisses’ sister, Simena, resembles Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke, who after her husband’s death was linked with the London physician Dr. Matthew Lister (possibly Lissius). The drama thus includes family associations appropriate to the intimacy of private theatricals performed in country houses.

The later period of Wroth’s life seems to have been devoted largely to settling her financial difficulties. To forestall her creditors, she repeatedly applied to the crown for warrants of protection, which were granted at regular intervals. In one case Sir Edward Conway (principal secretary of state under James I and Charles I) wrote to her father requesting that he pressure Wroth for immediate payment of outstanding bills. To his credit Sir Robert Sidney defended his daughter by stating that she was handling her own affairs and planned to discharge all of her debts. She appears to have continued living at Loughton Hall, and her father visited her there. Little evidence survives of her two children by Pembroke, but in 1640 one of Wroth’s former servants, Sir John Leeke, wrote that “by my Lord of Pembroke’s good mediation,” the king had provided her son with a “brave livinge in Ireland.” Because Pembroke died in 1630, Leeke is here referring to Philip Herbert, Earl of Montgomery, who succeeded to his brother’s title. Wroth apparently spent the last years of her life in Woodford, where her name appears in connection with the sale of lands and in tax rolls. The only record of Wroth’s death occurs in a Chancery deposition of 1668, in which the event is said to have occurred in 1651, or more likely in 1653. No literary works survive from the last 30 years of her life.

Wroth’s creative accomplishments are still impressive. She created a pair of female heroes whose friendship lies at the center of the Urania, an encyclopedic romance of nearly 600,000 words in length. Her sonnet sequence, justly praised by Ben Jonson for its psychological insight, surmounted the gender constraints of the Petrarchan form and opened the possibilities for women writers of succeeding generations.

In popular culture

In 2019, Harvard literary historian Vanessa Braganza identified a copy of Xenophon's Cyropaedia which she found at a rare book fair as Wroth's based on a cryptic monogram cipher on its cover.[16] The letters of the cipher spell the names "Pamphilia" and "Amphilanthus," autobiographical personae for Wroth and Herbert themselves. To date, the Cyropaedia is the only surviving book from Wroth's library except for manuscripts of her own works. The discovery sparked public interest in Wroth's use of ciphers and her previously little-known status as the first female English novelist.[17]

Works

Love's Victory (c.1620) – pastoral closet drama.

The Countess of Montgomery's Urania (1621) – The first extant prose romance by an English woman.

Pamphilia to Amphilanthus (1621) – The second-known sonnet sequence by an English woman.

150-] English Literature

150-] English Literature Letitia Elizabeth Landon     List of works In addition to the works listed below, Landon was responsible for nume...