Grammar American & British

Saturday, January 20, 2024

59-) English Literature

59-) English Literature

George Chapman

George Chapman (Hitchin, Hertfordshire, c. 1559 – London, 12 May 1634) was an English dramatist, translator and poet, whose translation of Homer long remained the standard English version. He was a classical scholar whose work shows the influence of Stoicism . William Minto speculated that Chapman is the unnamed Rival Poet of Shakespeare's sonnets. Chapman is seen as an anticipator of the metaphysical poets of the 17th century. He is best remembered for his translations of Homer's Iliad and Odyssey, and the Homeric Batrachomyomachia.

Playwright, poet, and translator George Chapman was an important figure in the English Renaissance. His plays, particularly, were adapted for the stage throughout the Restoration, and, though his reputation dipped during most of the 18th century, the 19th saw a marked revival of interest in his works, perhaps best summed up in John Keats’s well-known sonnet “On First Looking Into Chapman’s Homer” (1816).

Life and work

Chapman was born in Hitchin (as an allusion in Euthymiæ Raptus; or the Teares of Peace [1609] has it), a town in Hertfordshire some 30 miles from London. He was the second son of Thomas Chapman and Joan Nodes, the daughter of George and Margaret Grimeston Nodes and a cousin to Edward Grimeston the translator. Of his early life little is known except that he attended Oxford University in 1574 and left before earning a degree. There is conjecture that he studied at Oxford but did not take a degree, though no reliable evidence affirms this. Very little is known about Chapman's early life, but Mark Eccles uncovered records that reveal much about Chapman's difficulties and expectations. Upon Anthony Wood’s testimony, Chapman was a person of “most reverend aspect, religious and temperate, qualities rarely meeting in a poet,” one who excelled in Latin and Greek but not in logic and philosophy. We know that from at least 1583 through 1585 he was in the household of Sir Ralph Sadler, who was employed by both Queen Elizabeth and William Cecil, Lord Burghley. There is evidence to suggest that Chapman served in the military campaigns in the Low Countries in 1591 and 1592 and that he had returned to London before 1594.

 In 1585 Chapman was approached in a friendly fashion by John Wolfall Sr., who offered to supply a bond of surety for a loan to furnish Chapman money "for his proper use in Attendance upon the then Right Honorable Sir Rafe Sadler Knight." Chapman's courtly ambitions led him into a trap. He apparently never received any money, but he would be plagued for many years by the papers he had signed. Wolfall had the poet arrested for debt in 1600, and when in 1608 Wolfall's son, having inherited his father's papers, sued yet again, Chapman's only resort was to petition the Court of Chancery for equity. As Sadler died in 1587, this gives Chapman little time to have trained under him. It seems more likely that he was in Sadler's household from 1577 to 1583, as he dedicates all his Homerical translations to him.

By 1585 he was working in London for the wealthy commoner Sir Ralph Sadler and probably traveled to the Low Countries at this time. His first work was The Shadow of Night . . . Two Poeticall Hymnes (1593), followed in 1595 by Ovids Banquet of Sence. Both philosophize on the value of an ordered life. His poem in praise of Sir Walter Raleigh, De Guiana, Carmen Epicum (“An Epic Poem about Guiana,” 1596), is typical of his preoccupation with the virtues of the warrior-hero, the character that dominates most of his plays.

The first books of his translation of the Iliad appeared in 1598. It was completed in 1611, and his version of the Odyssey appeared in 1616. Chapman’s Homer contains passages of great power and beauty and inspired the sonnet of John Keats “On First Looking into Chapman’s Homer” (1815).

Chapman’s conclusion to Christopher Marlowe’s unfinished poem Hero and Leander (1598) emphasized the necessity for control and wisdom. Euthymiae Raptus; or the Teares of Peace (1609), Chapman’s major poem, is a dialogue between the poet and the Lady Peace, who is mourning over the chaos caused by man’s valuing worldly objects above integrity and wisdom.

Chapman was imprisoned with Ben Jonson and John Marston in 1605 for writing Eastward Ho, a play that James I, the king of Great Britain, found offensive to his fellow Scots. Of Chapman’s dramatic works, about a dozen plays survive, chief of which are his tragedies: Bussy d’Ambois (1607), The Conspiracie, and Tragedie of Charles Duke of Byron . . . (1608), and The Widdowes Teares (1612).

Chapman spent the early 1590s abroad, and saw military action in the Low Countries fighting under renowned English general Sir Francis Vere. His earliest published works were the obscure philosophical poems The Shadow of Night (1594) and Ovid's Banquet of Sense (1595). The latter has been taken as a response to the erotic poems of the age, such as Philip Sidney's Astrophil and Stella and Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis. Chapman's life was troubled by debt and his inability to find a patron whose fortunes did not decline: Robert Devereux, Second Earl of Essex, and the Prince of Wales, Prince Henry both met their ends prematurely. The former was executed for treason by Elizabeth I in 1601, and the latter died of typhoid fever at the age of eighteen in 1612. Chapman's resultant poverty did not diminish his ability or his standing among his fellow Elizabethan poets and dramatists.

If one can isolate a central passion in Chapman’s life and works, it would be the central project of Renaissance Christian humanism: an attempt to make literature (among the other disciplines) an instrument for both an upright private ethics and a benevolent and just public policy. In more parochial terms the project intended as well to establish a national literature powerful enough to rival the Latin and the Greek. In his poetic canon, including his Homeric translations, Chapman constantly aims at converting Greek and Latin poetry (classical as well as contemporary) to native English and claims as well an attempt to surpass his predecessors. If Chapman consistently borrows from other works (a practice hardly unknown in the period), he likewise consistently experiments with his borrowings, and that experimentation shows in his poems as well as in his plays. Since Algernon Charles Swinburne’s essay in 1875, Chapman (until recently) has been taken as one of the most difficult and obscure poets in the Renaissance, a kind of moralist whose thought manifests itself in moral imperatives tortuously crammed into his dramatic or poetic works. Contemporary criticism, however, has sought to redeem Chapman from the reputation for pedantry and obscurity (largely a product of late-19th-and early-20th-century scholarship) and to take him as he was seen by his contemporaries, a learned translator, a novel poet, and a very successful dramatist.

Chapman’s first published work was The Shadow of Night (1594), composed of two hymns, one to Night and one to Cynthia. They are modeled on Greek hymns of Proclus, Callimachus, and the Orphic hymns, even though they have a large number of borrowings and echoes from contemporary literature. Chapman may have found some of the Orphic hymns in Aldus’s edition of Hero and Leander (1517), which he later used for his adaptation of that poem (1598). The Shadow of Night is, in essence, a heroic poem laced with lamentations by the supplicant poet for the loss of true knowledge, learning, and virtue in the world, a subject Chapman incessantly returned to throughout his career. A reader needs to observe that complaints about the vanity of the world and the prostitution of learning were commonplaces of the age. The pronounced defensive posture of many literati assumed an attack by a society convinced, for religious or political reasons, of the vanity of art. The Shadow of Night is only partly allegorical, as in the tale of Euthimya (whose name means “Cheerfulness”) and the hunt (or chase of the passions) in “Cynthiam,” and despite its reputation for obscurity, it displays throughout a quite remarkable and clear handling of syntax within some powerful pentameter couplets. We should take it as part of a whole program, in this instance, of Chapman’s attempt to domesticate the Greek hymn, which can be noted clearly in the interpolated tale of the English victory over Alessandro Farnese, Duke of Parma, at Nymeghen (1590). The two poems are followed by glosses, a habit Chapman continued from his early work through his final edition of Homer late in his life. The poem thus clearly stakes a claim for its author’s promise as a legitimate, as opposed to a popular, poet: the mode, the imitations, the borrowings, the glosses all proclaim a serious and accomplished poet worthy of serious patronage. Edmund Spenser, we should recall, started his career in exactly the same way 15 years earlier. The work has been notable in modern criticism (it had no subsequent edition in the Renaissance) for the theory, now largely discredited, that it reveals “a school of night” to which William Shakespeare supposedly responded in satiric portions of his Love’s Labour’s Lost (1598). Part of that theory makes Chapman the rival poet mentioned in Shakespeare’s Sonnet 86.

Ovid’s Banquet of Sense followed The Shadow of Night in 1595, the same year that Chapman joined the Admiral’s Men, Philip Henslowe’s company of actors playing at the Rose Theatre. In addition to the title poem of 117 nine-line stanzas, Ovid’s Banquet of Sense includes some commendatory verses (one by Sir John Davies), the 10 sonnets of “A Coronet for his Mistress Philosophy,” “The Amorous Zodiac” (translated from the French poem by Gilles Durant, 1587), and “The Amorous Contention of Phillis and Flora,” followed by some of its Latin original. The two translations are not by Chapman. The title poem depicts Ovid feasting each of his five senses as he watches Corinna in her bath. The poem is an extraordinary comic tour de force in the popular mode of Ovidian erotic poetry, and it remains a mini masterpiece, a reductio ad absurdum of the conventions of contemporary erotic poems. Chapman grafts onto the old trope of the banquet of sense all the possibilities of that fashionable mode: its eroticized Platonism, its faculty psychology, its innumerable strategies of seduction and pleas for mercy, its aggressive self-justifications. Ovid, even in the highest flights of his erotic fantasy, feasts on his own poetry. He gets little or nothing from Corinna. The poem was popular enough to see another edition as late as 1639, though its reputation in the 20th century rests on viewing it as a masterful explication of Neoplatonic love and, in essence, a semiserious philosophical and consciously obscurantist poem. Such a view badly underestimates a poem that is in fact a burlesque.

Chapman’s earliest drama, The Blind Beggar of Alexandria, was produced in 1596, the year after Ovid’s Banquet of Sense appeared, and had been through at least 22 productions before it was published in 1598. Even though the play as printed is heavily cut, one can follow easily the machinations and wooings of Irus the beggar and some fine touches of social satire throughout.

Hero and Leander, one of the best-known poems of its era, appeared in 1598 as well and is the first poem in which Chapman directly courts a noble patron, in this case the wife of Sir Thomas Walsingham, a cousin of his better-known contemporary Sir Francis. Throughout his career, Chapman’s quest for patronage would prove both painful and vain, but there could scarcely be a more propitious beginning. Though in his dedication he somewhat disingenuously calls his poem a trifle (and promises matter of more substance later), we should recognize some claims to distinction. After all, he wryly notes, “He who shuns trifles must shun the world.” Christopher Marlowe’s portion of the poem had been an instant success and, in Abraham Fraunce’s words, “in every man’s mouth.” Marlowe’s 334-line poem, published early in 1598, was republished later the same year, now divided into two sestiads (after Hero’s town Sestos), with four new sestiads by Chapman. Chapman’s completion was published with Marlowe’s fragment in all subsequent editions. The poem is based on the Hero and Leander of Musaeus, a fifth-century poet who may have written from Alexandria. The Greek text of his poem was one of the first published by the famous Aldine press of Venice in 1494. Musaeus’s Hero and Leander is one of several late-Greek epic poems intentionally un-Homeric, often focusing on minor mythological figures, subjects, and themes distinctly unclassical. They often aim at high pathos in a poetic style at once intricate, hyperbolic, and even, on occasion, bombastic. The great Latin exemplar for the Renaissance was the enormously popular Rape of Proserpina of Claudian (circa 400). There were many editions to follow in the 16th century as well as adaptations of the poem by major poets all over Europe, including Hans Sachs. The adaptation by Marlowe and Chapman expands considerably upon the original (which both certainly knew), all the while observing its possibilities and suggestions. There are, for example, the characteristic epic similes, epic digressions in the tales of Mercury and Teras, battles or disputes with the gods, and jocular or satiric asides by the narrator-poet. Both poets preserve as well all the obsessions of their original: the focus on Hero’s torch, the division between Sestos and Abydos, the manic insistence on secrecy, the elaborate manipulation of the imagery of light and dark and day and night, the compounding of paradox, especially in Hero being Venus’s Nun. Hero and Leander is an exceptionally elaborate, brilliant, and often-comic story of the seduction of Hero by Leander, their marriage and its consummation, and their tragic deaths at the hands of the gods. The poem was tremendously popular, echoed in scores of contemporary works, and printed in at least seven editions by 1637. While Marlowe’s portion has always been praised, Chapman’s continuation has, in this century at least, been maligned for what has been taken to be its intrusive moral commentary. Yet such expansions, as other scholars see them, are both functional and appropriate to the original text. Chapman later translated Musaeus’s Hero and Leander in 1616 and dedicated it to Inigo Jones. Unlike his earlier adaptation, Chapman’s is one of the most judicious and accurate (as well as one of the shortest) of the several translations in the period. He clearly used the Greek of the Aldine text (1494 and many subsequent editions), frequently consulting the Latin translation that was published with it.

Chapman’s most successful bid for noble patronage (and, as it turned out, the most unfortunate and bitter) began with his first translations of Homer in 1598: his Seven Books of the Iliad, translations in fourteeners of books 1, 2, and 7–11; and Achilles Shield, a partial translation of book 18 of the Iliad in decasyllabic couplets. Both were dedicated to the brilliant Robert Devereux, second Earl of Essex. Whether Chapman actually benefited from this work at the time we do not know. Essex might have been either pleased or embarrassed that the plight of Achilles in book 18 was made a direct analogy to his own circumstances in Chapman’s dedicatory epistle. The rest of Chapman’s Iliad was not to appear until 1609, with another, royal patron.

Chapman’s attention turned almost exclusively to drama for the next ten years. A Humorous Day’s Mirth was published in 1599, though it had been notably popular since 1597, when it was performed by the Admiral’s Men, perhaps because it was one of the “new plays of humors,” a comedy of humors.

Chapman left Henslowe’s company sometime in 1600, a year marked as well by his imprisonment for debt at the hands of a notorious usurer, John Wolfall. Chapman joined the Children of the Chapel (the Children of St. Paul’s), a company performing at the Blackfriars Theatre, and continued writing for this company until 1609. The company could scarcely have greater luck, for in 1603 or 1604 it produced Chapman’s first and best-known tragedy, Bussy D’Ambois, which was published in 1607. It enjoyed a remarkable popularity well into the Restoration. Bussy, the colossally self-confident and fearless courtier, after having offended various powers at the French court, succeeds in becoming a favorite of King Henry III. He is undone, however, after a sexual intrigue with Tamyra, the count of Montsurry’s wife. The duke of Guise and Montsurry plot against Bussy and, by stabbing and torturing Tamyra, succeed in luring him to his death. The play was clearly a smashing success, with five issues or editions by 1657, a revival by Nathan Field for the Whitefriars in 1610, performances by the King’s Men (Shakespeare’s old company) in 1634 and 1638, and a notably successful rewrite by Thomas D’Urfey for the Theatre Royal in Drury Lane, published in 1691. Despite John Dryden’s unappreciative remarks in the preface to his Spanish Friar (1681), the play has remained exceptionally popular into the 20th century, having been published in a large number of editions.

The Children of St. Paul’s also performed Chapman’s now-lost The Old Joiner of Aldgate in February of 1603. From all evidence a farce based on contemporary gossip, the play is the first that got Chapman in trouble with local authorities (a relative commonplace for London playwrights). On this occasion he was interrogated in a slander suit but was not arrested. Chapman may also have been the “second Pen” mentioned in the preface to Ben Jonson’s Sejanus his Fall, performed in 1603 and published in 1605. That “Pen” or hand is credited with “a good share” of Jonson’s play. Henslowe’s diary does in fact attribute to Chapman “ii actes of a Tragedie of Bengemens [that is, Jonson’s] plotte.”

Our first sure record of a performance of Chapman’s play All Fools is on New Year’s Day of 1605 at the Blackfriars. All Fools is a far more sophisticated, high comedy than Chapman’s earlier plays in the genre. The lines glitter with wit, the characterization is fascinating, and the plot is masterfully handled, involving a whole series of intrigue and types: a jealous husband, a jealous father, a courtier, a wayward son, and Reynoldo the trickster. Chapman may have been pleased about the quiet success of All Fools in 1605, for while he had faced minor difficulties with the production of the Old Joiner, in 1603, he could never have forseen the storm that broke over Eastward Ho upon its publication and performance in 1605. A collaborative effort of Chapman, Ben Jonson, and John Marston, the play is a reply to Thomas Dekker and John Webster’s Westward Ho, performed in 1604 and published in 1607. Both are London City comedies filled with character types and deceptions, as well as with contemporary news, ballads, songs, and plays. There are, for example, at least five allusions to Hamlet in Eastward Ho. The cause célèbre of the play, however, was a pointed gibe at the large number of Scots newly arrived in England (at James I’s accession). The offending lines were immediately canceled from the first quarto, and Chapman and Jonson were imprisoned straightway. Apparently King James himself, according to Jonson’s later testimony, had been told of the outrage and ordered the arrest. They were released some weeks later, after a whole series of letters and petitions. Though city comedies were extremely popular in the theater, the notoriety of Eastward Ho, its relation to Westward Ho, and its exceptional comedy made it an instant, and perhaps to its authors an unwelcome, hit. One response was another play by Dekker and Webster, Northward Ho (acted in late 1605 and published in 1607), in which Chapman is gently satirized as the genial scholar Bellamont, a man witty enough to help unravel a plot to discredit a friend’s wife and to escape a trick designed to make a fool of him. There were three editions of Eastward Ho in 1605, simultaneous with its production at Blackfriars. The play was revived—offending passage omitted, of course—for a 1614 production at Whitehall before Princess Elizabeth and King James himself. The play retained its popularity well into the late 18th century. Chapman followed Eastward Ho with two other comedies, Monsieur D’Olive (performed at Blackfriars in late 1604 or early 1605 and published in 1606) and Sir Giles Goosecap (performed in 1603, published in 1606). The plot of Monsieur D’Olive, which involves a series of benevolent deceptions by Vandome, and the subplot, centered on D’Olive (a scurrilous satirist and perfect burlesque of a courtier), never do meet in what must be described as an entertaining, though imperfect, comedy. The parody of courtliness in D’Olive has some fine touches, especially in his extended panegyric on tobacco in Act 2.

Sir Giles Goosecap, published anonymously in 1606, is probably Chapman’s. It is clearly a comedy of humors, where the plot is markedly secondary to the examination of such characters as Foulweather, Rudesby, and the foolish, if benign, Sir Giles himself. The main plot, adapted from the first three sections of Geoffrey Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseide, focuses on Clarence, a studious and pure lover of Eugenia. The delay in publication of Sir Giles Goosecap is a likely result of censorship. Contemporary evidence strongly suggests that there were objections to the play and that the principal characters, especially Lady Furnivall, are satiric portraits of contemporary figures.

The Gentleman Usher, performed in 1601 or 1602 and published in 1606, is a play very different from Chapman’s earlier efforts. With a typically complex plot, centered about Vincentio’s love for Margaret (rewarded at the end), but with a pronounced attention to the dramatic possibilities of language, the play comes near to being a comedy of manners or, in the high pathos of some speeches, almost a tragicomedy. Stock comic characters remain, to be sure, as well as a series of standard deceptions. But acts four and five shift markedly to a comic/pathetic mode: the appearance of a real and dangerous villain, a real danger of death, the high pathos in the disfigurement of Margaret, and the final reconciliation. Although we have little evidence of the play’s success, it does mark Chapman’s first attempt at tragicomedy. The second is The Widow’s Tears, composed circa 1605 and published in 1612. There are primarily two sets of lovers in the play, Tharsalio, the cynical former servant who woos and wins his former mistress, Eudora, and Lysander, who puts his faithful wife, Cynthia, to cruel test of her fidelity. Cynthia does succumb to a seduction by her disguised husband, but, upon discovering his plot, turns the tables on him. This play shares with The Gentlemen Usher a focus on plot rather than (stock) character, avoids for the most part either satire or parody, and revels in incidents more appropriate to tragedy than comedy.

Chapman delayed the sequel to Bussy D’Ambois (The Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois) until 1610 or 1611, when it was produced at the new Whitefriars by Nathan Field’s new company, the Queen’s Revels. Chapman’s second tragedy came four years after the singular success of Bussy D’Ambois: two plays combined as one, The Conspiracy and Tragedy of Charles Duke of Byron, composed in early 1608 and published the same year. The Byron plays mark a considerable departure from dramatic trappings of Senecan drama—the blood, revenge, grotesqueries, and ghosts—of the Bussy plays. The focus in the Byron plays is unremittingly on the hero and his brand of virtuous Marlovian virtu. While these plays interest us as a new direction in Chapman’s tragedies, they also interest us for the furor they aroused. They were based on a recent controversy—the treason and execution of Charles de Gontant, Baron de Biron, courtier to Henry IV of Navarre. The French ambassador to court, Antoine Lefèvre de la Boderie, protested the production and arranged to have three of the actors jailed. Chapman apparently escaped and later sought refuge with Ludovick Stuart, Duke of Lennox. The offending scene, soon struck by the master of the revels, portrays the queen of France indelicately dressing down and boxing the ears of the king’s mistress, Madame Henriette D’Entragues, Marquise de Verneuil. There is as well the interview between Byron and Queen Elizabeth in act four that also came under the hand of the censors. As a consequence, act four of the Conspiracy, where a report of the interview with the queen is now reported secondhand, is badly mangled, as are acts one and two of the Tragedy. The censors apparently felt comfortable in allowing only one scene of act two in the Tragedy to remain, the masque where Queen Marie de Médicis (as Chastity) and the king’s mistress (appropriately playing Liberality) are reconciled. The Conspiracy traces the seduction of the proud and pliant Duke of Byron to a conspiracy against King Henry IV of Navarre and his ultimate capitulation to the king’s power. The Tragedy finds Byron in yet another plot and again called to court to confess his treason. He first refuses, then appears to protest his innocence, convinced the king will never condemn one so valuable to the state. Act five wholly focuses on Byron, caught between Christian resignation and Herculean fury until he is finally executed.

The year 1609 seemed to promise the beginning of the end of Chapman’s recurring money troubles. He had received a promise from the young Henry, Prince of Wales, of an annuity and the princely sum of three hundred pounds for his translation of Homer. He had revised his Seven Books of 1598 and added books three, four, five, six, and 12 for his Homer Prince of Poets (1609). This portion of The Iliad Chapman renders in a supple and innovative fourteen-syllable line, a verse form often taken as appropriate to the hexameter line of the classical epic by some Renaissance translators. His epistle dedicatory, partly a panegyric on Henry and partly a piece of literary criticism, is directed “To the High Borne Prince of Men, Henry.” Here Chapman enunciates views common in contemporary literary criticism: the usefulness (nay, the necessity) of poetry to princes (especially the heroic poetry of Homer) and the request for the prince to protect and advance the sacred vocation of poets. This epistle is followed by another, “To the Reader.” Both stand as a defense of poetry, the former more generalized, the latter very detailed. In the second, Chapman directly defends his native English as a language fully capable of catching the nuances of Homer’s Greek, even superior to other modern languages. He defends as well his “Pariphrases,” his expansions on the original in his own translation, as both judicious and necessary. Indeed, those who translate word-by-word are quite wrong because a translation must be guided by a perception of Homer’s complete invention, the scope and direction of the epic as a whole. It is here that we may discover not only Chapman the translator, but Chapman the dramatist, taking as his guide the coherence of character and plot for his rendering of individual lines and words. The epistle concludes with a remarkably vivid and accomplished attack on his detractors.

Euthymiæ Raptus; or the Tears of Peace, also 1609, is likewise dedicated to Henry, beginning and ending with notable references to Chapman’s Homer. The poem is of a piece with other “complaints” or lamentations of the period. Homer appears to the poet and introduces him to the allegorical figure Peace, whose tears are complaints about the degradation of Learning and the elevation of power and ambition in the world. This subject, about which Chapman wrote constantly in nearly all the prefaces and epistles to his works, might well stand as a constant thematic idea throughout his life and work.

Yet no thematic can account for Chapman’s continued success on the popular stage. Even while finishing his translation of the Iliad, his May Day (1611) and The Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois (1613) were being produced in 1611. Both are in notable, popular modes. The Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois is Chapman’s attempt at the venerable revenge tragedy, focusing on the character of Clermont D’Ambois, a reluctant avenger who avoids both fury and haste, ever mindful of the tension between private revenge and public law. There is, of course, the ghost of Bussy to demand revenge, but Clermont is more comfortable in echoing Epictetus on the vanity of ambition and wealth than plotting deaths. He dies at the end not by the machinations of villains, but from grief at the loss of an ally and at the prospect of living in a world devoid of justice. May Day is a typical comedy of disguise and deception, multiple sets of lovers in multiple assignations, with the braggart soldier, the unapproachable lady, the bawdy maid (Temperance), the gull (Innocentio), and the witty intriguer (Lodovico). Chapman is consciously following the current hits of the day, providing not only a good deal of music and dance (even a masque) in the concluding act, but a large number of direct echoes from his contemporary playwrights.

Chapman entered The Iliads of Homer in the Stationers’ Register in April 1611. Dedicated again to Prince Henry, this edition comprises all 24 books of the epic, including entirely new versions of books one and two, some minor revisions of three to 12 (from the earlier editions), plus the new books, 13 to 24. Chapman added yet another “Preface to the Reader” (in prose) and a brief essay, “Of Homer.” The latter is the typical and epideictic minibiography of most late-medieval or Renaissance translations. The preface is of a piece with his earlier preface of 1609: another defense of his paraphrases and/or circumlocutions on historical and critical grounds, a response to the charge that he translated Homer out of Latin solely and not his Greek, and a promise to go on to a translation of the Odyssey. For the first time the text appears with a full, critical apparatus: marginal glosses and comments throughout and ten commentaries (“Commentarius”). The commentaries are justifications of various renderings of the Greek and quibbles with earlier translators. The volume concludes with a brief prose comment and a prayer. This comment is notable for the astonishing claim that Chapman rendered the last 12 books of the Iliad in “lesse than fifteene weekes.”

The volume appeared with an exceptionally handsome engraved title page and all the critical apparatus worthy of so great a poet and so beneficent a patron. Any of Chapman’s expectations, however, were soon dashed at the death of Henry, Prince of Wales, in 1612 at the age of 18. Though Chapman was to dun the court with letters pleading for the rewards Henry had promised, nothing was forthcoming. Even the production of The Memorable Masque for the nuptials of Princess Elizabeth and Frederick V, Elector Palatine, in 1613 would not avail. The masque was commissioned by the Middle Temple and Lincoln’s Inn and performed before King James in February. It was designed by Inigo Jones and written by Chapman. The published version (also 1613) includes a prose account of the great procession to Whitehall, a description of the set, and some stage directions as well as the “argument” or plot of the piece: Honour, presented like a goddess, meets Plutus (Riches) who is reformed by his love of Honour. Capriccio, a man of wit, has a dialogue with Plutus before he presents his (rather clumsy) antemasque. The celebration follows with songs and dances, and the volume concludes with a hymn to Hymen and an epithalamion. It has been speculated that Chapman had a hand in several masques, especially late in his career. This speculation is based largely, perhaps, on the strength of Ben Jonson’s testimony that besides himself, only Chapman “could make a masque.” But The Memorable Masque is the only specimen we have.

Chapman’s direct response to Prince Henry’s death was his Epicede or Funerall Song in late 1612. The lament on Henry was vastly expanded when Chapman added to it, at line 354, an adaptation/translation of Angelo Poliziano’s Elegia sive Epicedion (1546). Chapman’s poem appears to have been the first in a steady stream of elegies by, among others, John Webster, Cyril Tourneur, John Donne, George Herbert, and John Heywood. The volume concludes with an extended description of the funeral itself. The loss of his patron did not deter Chapman from his project of publishing all of Homer in English. It did, however, send him in search of other patrons, where he discovered yet more misfortunes.

One of these attempts, perhaps, was Chapman’s elegy on the death of William, Lord Russell, in 1613, Eugenia: Or True Nobilities Trance (1614). The poem is at once an elegy, a satiric complaint about the world, and a heroic poem. The sister of Fame, Eugenia, falls into a trance upon Russell’s death, is revived by news of Russell’s son and heir, and thence begins the four “vigils” or speeches. Another was undoubtedly The Whole Works of Homer (1616?), with the previously published Iliads (its unsold sheets included here) and the new translation of the twenty-four books of The Odyssey in decasyllabic couplets. In some copies there is a separate title page to The Odyssey, suggesting that part of the volume was published separately for special patrons or friends. It is certain, however, that books 13 to 24 are from the press of a different, and distinctly inferior, printer. It was entered in the Stationers’ Register on November 2, 1614 and probably appeared sometime between 1614 and 1616. The Register also lists Chapman’s Odyssey on that date, and it is likely that the first 12 books were printed as a New Year’s gift for Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset, to whom the whole volume is dedicated. This epistle to Somerset, newly appointed lord chamberlain, includes perhaps Chapman’s clearest statement on how he understood the two epics in distinctly moral terms:

And that your Lordship may in his Face take view of his Mind, the first word of his Iliads is menin, wrath; the first word of his Odysses, andra, Man—contracting in either word his each worke’s Proposition. In one, Predominant Perturbation; in the other, over-ruling Wisedome; in one, the Bodie’s fervour and fashion of outward Fortitude to all possible height of Heroicall Action; in the other, the Mind’s inward, constant and unconquerd Empire, unbroken, unalterd with any most insolent and tyrannous infliction.

The epistle is also notable for its explicit defense of poetry, where Chapman takes poetry as the soul of truth inhabiting a body of fiction. As such, poetry teaches not only the most profound and useful matters but always extols virtue and condemns vice. Some of these views appear again in the marginalia to the volume (though the commentaries disappear), where apologiae for certain renderings, often with abundant philological rationales, are mixed with moral readings of the passage in question. These glosses become very sparse in the final 12 books of The Odyssey.

Chapman’s choice of 10-syllable couplets for his translation forces a far more involved syntax than did the fourteeners he championed as appropriate for the Homer of his Iliads. This form and the haphazard printing of books 13 to 24 often make for some difficult reading. Yet even these defects and his sometimes radical departure from Homer’s Greek (as well as from his favorite Latin text and commentary of Jean de Sponde [Spondanus]) do not finally destroy either the vigor or the originality of his work.

There can be little doubt that Chapman rushed to complete the volume and made special efforts to present it to Somerset. Chapman, unfortunately, could scarcely have made a worse choice to replace Henry as the recipient of his Homer. The unfortunate relationship between Somerset and Chapman began somewhat earlier in 1614 when Chapman, on March 16, registered and then published his Andromeda Liberata or the Nuptials of Perseus and Andromeda. The poem is dedicated to Somerset and Lady Frances Howard and was intended to celebrate their marriage. Despite the fact that Chapman borrows liberally from Comes’s Mythologia, from Marsilio Ficino, and from Plutarch for the poem, it is clear that the public took the poem as a very personal, contemporary allegory. In the poem Cepheus, profoundly disturbed by the appearance of a monstrous whale sent by Neptune to ravage his kingdom, consults an oracle. He discovers the curse can be removed if he exposes his daughter Andromeda to the monster. Cepheus complies and chains Andromeda to a rock. Perseus discovers her, falls in love, kills the monster, and marries her. Though Chapman is clear about some of the allegorical and mythological equivalents in the tale, many apparently saw a clear allusion to the sensational divorce proceedings brought by Lady Frances against her former husband, Robert Devereux, third Earl of Essex. Lady Frances, who testified that she was in fact a virgin and that the earl was impotent, won an annulment of the marriage in 1613. Three months later, Lady Frances married Somerset. The allegorical equivalents seemed plain: Somerset as Perseus had freed Frances as Andromeda from the rock Essex. Chapman immediately responded to the furor over his poem with A Free and Offenseless Justification of Andromeda Liberata (1614), a fascinating essay on the nature of allegory, which, of course, denied the public construction that brought so much notoriety to the poem. It is of some note to Chapman that matters for Somerset and Lady Frances only got worse. In 1615 it was discovered, and later proved in an extraordinary trial in 1616, that Lady Frances had arranged the murder of the go-between in her affair with Somerset, Thomas Overbury, the noted character writer. Though Frances confessed and Somerset maintained his innocence, both were convicted and sent to the Tower until 1622. Chapman remained faithful to Somerset, however, dedicating to him both his Pro Vere in 1622 and his concluding volume of Homer, The Crown of All Homer’s Works around 1624. Between the Overbury affair and that last volume of Homer, Chapman published his translation of Hesiod’s Works and Days. The Georgicks of Hesiod (1618) is replete with glosses, commendatory verses by Michael Drayton and Ben Jonson, and a dedication to Sir Francis Bacon. Chapman’s text here is Philipp Melanchthon’s Greek text of Hesiod (1532) as well as a Latin rendering by Spondanus (1606). Chapman returns to the 10-syllable couplets he used in his Odyssey.

The Crown of All Homer’s Works effectively concludes Chapman’s life as a public poet, and one may sense something profoundly elegiac in it. The volume includes the mock epic Batrachomyomachia (the battle of the frogs and mice), 32 Homeric hymns, 16 miscellaneous poems, and, finally, Chapman’s own apologia for the whole project with its justly famous first line, “The Worke that I was borne to doe is done.”

Despite the fact that scholars sense some diminution of Chapman’s powers in this his last volume of poetry, the translation of Batrachomyomachia is very deft and, if one may say, very English. The welter of Greek names for the frogs and mice are given in highly comic and contemporary renderings (as “Bacon-flitch gnawer”), and on almost every occasion Chapman finds English equivalents for the abundant Greek nouns. This is not the case in the Hymns, where decorum would demand a more reticent approach to Englishing . Throughout the volume there is a grace and clarity in his rhymed couplets in spite of the fact that he occasionally bungles the Greek.

Even a cursory survey of Chapman’s poetry reveals his consistent preference for heroic verse both in his own English poems and in his translations (even in his sources, borrowings, and tragedies, it should be added). Even though some have seen in this a self-identification of a heroic Chapman with his poetic forebears in heroic poetry (indeed, the handsome title page of the Batrachomyomachia shows Chapman beneath a look-alike Homer), the better explanation might aim at two other causes: the search for patronage, and the humanist dogma that takes heroic poetry as the crown of a serious poetic vocation. Indeed, Chapman remained sensitive about this all his professional life, especially since his heroic poetry required a thorough knowledge of Greek. His final apologia appears at the end of the volume in the elegant 87-line poem defending his ability against the scholars of the schools:

And what’s all their skill but vast varied reading?

As if brode-beaten High-waies had the leading

To Truths abstract, and narrow Path and Pit,

Found in no walke of any worldly wit.

And without Truth, all’s only sleight of hand,

Or our Law-learning in a Forraine land,

Embroderie spent on Cobwebs, Braggart show,

Of men that all things learn and nothing know.

There were two plays that remained to be published, though both were undoubtedly written and produced earlier, Caesar and Pompey of 1631 and The Tragedy of Chabot in 1639. For the former, the source of historical information is Plutarch’s Lives (Shakespeare’s favorite) and, occasionally, some of his Moralia. The hero was the perennial favorite, Cato, the heroic voice for proper and rational choice, and the action centers on the contest of Julius Caesar and Pompey for power. The real interest of the play occurs after the battle of Pharsalia, when Cato declares his preference for justice and a free death rather than tyranny and servitude. He stabs himself and, in a typically Jacobean turn, plucks out his entrails before anyone can save him. Caesar enters, condemns Pompey’s murderers, and in a final paean to Cato’s just life, orders a magnificent tomb to be erected.

The Tragedy of Chabot, written in collaboration with James Shirley, was licensed in 1635 (the year after Chapman’s death) for production at the Phoenix Theatre in Drury Lane. Most would place its composition sometime between 1611 and 1625. Chabot, an absolutely just and loyal servant of Francis I, is accused of defrauding the treasury. His proud and uncompromising protestations of loyalty infuriate the king, who orders that Chabot be tried by Chancellor Poyet. The trial is outrageously manipulated, the charges fabricated, the conviction coerced, and the minor sentence altered. With the intercession of the queen, Francis calls Chabot to him and offers him a pardon. In an astonishing scene, Chabot heroically refuses and submits that he cannot accept a pardon for something he has not done. The king, repenting his test of his absolute authority on a subject whose true conscience is his own authority, convenes a second trial, in which the treachery of the first is revealed and Poyet dismissed. Chabot, cleared but stricken to the heart with the injustice of it all, dies.

There are in fact few of Chapman’s plays that, according to evidence, were not popular. It was not uncommon for later publishers to attach Chapman’s name to plays he never wrote, hoping to benefit from his fame. This accounts, in some cases, to several plays ascribed to Chapman that are not his: Charlemagne or the Distracted Emperor, The Ball, The Tragedy of Alphonsus Emperor of Germany, The Revenge for Honour, Two Italian Gentlemenand, The Disguises.

Chapman is likely to have written plays or collaborated in others we no longer have. Sometime after 1623 he may have been responsible, along with Richard Brome, for the now-lost Christianetta. Henslowe’s diary has indications that Chapman’s hand was involved in several plays now unknown: “The ylle of A Womon,” “the ffount of new facianes,” “the world Rones A Whelles” or “all fooles but the foolle” (perhaps All Fools), and a “pastrall tragedie.”

George Chapman died in May of 1634. Of the last 20 years of his life we know next to nothing. There have been suggestions of contributions to other masques or plays, but we have no evidence of them. We do know, however, that Inigo Jones (the most famous architect and stage designer of his time) designed a Roman monument for Chapman which was to bear the inscription, “Georgis Chapmanus, poeta Homericus, Philosophers verus, (etsi Christianus poeta).” He is buried in the churchyard of St. Giles in the Fields.

It is a matter of some note, in assessing Chapman’s achievement, that nearly all modern commentators on his work have been essentially hostile to it: condemning him for his borrowings, for the supposed heterodox ethical or religious views in his fictions, and generally denouncing him for either conscious obscurity or simply bungling sense across the canon of his works. In almost all of these views, the works of Shakespeare and his other contemporaries are always the standard for comparison. The fact of Chapman’s evident success argues quite a different story. He was recognized among his contemporaries as one of the best dramatists of the age, as an accomplished poet of striking powers in both popular and elite modes, and as a rare and accomplished scholar. The reputation of his Homer has survived any number of rivals (Alexander Pope not the least among them) even into our own century. Even though he was not successful in becoming financially comfortable, in choosing patrons, or even in marriage (his negotiations with a well-to-do widow came to naught), his work stands as equal to any number of his better-known contemporaries.

Chapman died in London, having lived his latter years in poverty and debt. He was buried at St Giles in the Fields. A monument to him designed by Inigo Jones marked his tomb, and stands today inside the church.

Plays

The Blind Beggar of Alexandria (1596) , An Humorous Day's Mirth (1597)

Charleymayne , or the Distracted Emperor (1600) , Sir Giles Goosecap (1601)

Bussy D'Ambois (1603), Caesar and Pompey (1604) , All Fools (1604) , Eastward Hoe (1605) , Monsieur D'Olive (1605) , The Widow's Tears (1605)

The Gentleman Usher (1606) , The Conspiracy and Tragedy of Charles, Duke of Byron (1608) . May Day (1609) ,The Revenge of Bussy D'Ambois (1610)

The Tragedy of Chabot, Admiral of France (1612) , Rollo Duke of Normandy (1612), The Memorable Masque of the Middle Temple and Lincoln's Inn (1613)

Comedies

By the end of the 1590s, Chapman had become a successful playwright, working for Philip Henslowe and later for the Children of the Chapel. Among his comedies are The Blind Beggar of Alexandria (1596; printed 1598), An Humorous Day's Mirth (1597; printed 1599), All Fools (printed 1605), Monsieur D'Olive (1605; printed 1606), The Gentleman Usher (printed 1606), May Day (printed 1611), and The Widow's Tears (printed 1612). His plays show a willingness to experiment with dramatic form: An Humorous Day's Mirth was one of the first plays to be written in the style of "humours comedy" which Ben Jonson later used in Every Man in His Humour and Every Man Out of His Humour. With The Widow's Tears, he was also one of the first writers to meld comedy with more serious themes, creating the tragicomedy later made famous by Beaumont and Fletcher.

He also wrote one noteworthy play in collaboration. Eastward Ho (1605), written with Jonson and John Marston, contained satirical references to the Scottish courtiers who formed the retinue of the new king James I; this landed Chapman and Jonson in jail at the suit of Sir James Murray of Cockpool, the king's "rascal[ly]" Groom of the Stool.[4] Various of their letters to the king and noblemen survive in a manuscript in the Folger Library known as the Dobell MS, and published by AR Braunmuller as A Seventeenth Century Letterbook. In the letters, both men renounced the offending line, implying that Marston was responsible for the injurious remark. Jonson's "Conversations With Drummond" refers to the imprisonment, and suggests there was a possibility that both authors would have their "ears and noses slit" as a punishment, but this may have been Jonson elaborating on the story in retrospect.

Chapman's friendship with Jonson broke down, perhaps as a result of Jonson's public feud with Inigo Jones. Some satiric, scathing lines, written sometime after the burning of Jonson's desk and papers, provide evidence of the rift. The poem lampooning Jonson's aggressive behaviour and self-believed superiority remained unpublished during Chapman's lifetime; it was found in documents collected after his death.

Tragedies

Chapman's greatest tragedies took their subject matter from recent French history, the French ambassador taking offence on at least one occasion. These include Bussy D'Ambois (1607), The Conspiracy and Tragedy of Charles, Duke of Byron (1608), The Revenge of Bussy D'Ambois (1610[5]) and The Tragedy of Chabot, Admiral of France (published 1639). The two Byron plays were banned from the stage—although, when the Court left London, the plays were performed in their original and unexpurgated forms by the Children of the Chapel.[6] The French ambassador probably took offence to a scene which portrays Henry IV's wife and mistress arguing and physically fighting. On publication, the offending material was excised, and Chapman refers to the play in his dedication to Sir Thomas Walsingham as "poore dismembered Poems". His only work of classical tragedy, Caesar and Pompey (written 1604, published 1631), although "politically astute", can be regarded as his most modest achievement in the genre.

Other plays

Chapman wrote The Old Joiner of Aldgate, performed by the Children of Paul's between January and February 1603 – a play which caused some controversy due to the similarities between the content of the play and ongoing legal proceedings between one John Flaskett (a local book binder) and Agnes How (to whom Flaskett was betrothed). The play was purchased from Chapman by Thomas Woodford & Edward Pearce for 20 marks (a considerable amount for such a work at the time) and resulted in a legal case that went before the Star Chamber.

Chapman wrote one of the most successful masques of the Jacobean era, The Memorable Masque of the Middle Temple and Lincoln's Inn, performed on 15 February 1613. According to Kenneth Muir, The Masque of the Twelve Months, performed on Twelfth Night 1619 and first printed by John Payne Collier in 1848 with no author's name attached, is also ascribed to Chapman.

Chapman's authorship has been argued in connection with a number of other anonymous plays of his era.[10] F. G. Fleay proposed that his first play was The Disguises. He has been put forward as the author, in whole or in part, of Sir Giles Goosecap, Two Wise Men And All The Rest Fools, The Fountain of New Fashions, and The Second Maiden's Tragedy. Of these, only 'Sir Gyles Goosecap' is generally accepted by scholars to have been written by Chapman (The Plays of George Chapman: The Tragedies, with Sir Giles Goosecap, edited by Allan Holaday, University of Illinois Press, 1987).

In 1654, bookseller Richard Marriot published the play Revenge for Honour as the work of Chapman. Scholars have rejected the attribution; the play may have been written by Henry Glapthorne. Alphonsus Emperor of Germany (also printed 1654) is generally considered another false Chapman attribution.

The lost plays The Fatal Love and A Yorkshire Gentlewoman And Her Son were assigned to Chapman in Stationers' Register entries in 1660. Both of these plays were among the ones destroyed in the famous kitchen burnings by John Warburton's cook. The lost play Christianetta (registered 1640) may have been a collaboration between Chapman and Richard Brome, or a revision by Brome of a Chapman work.

Poet and translator

Other poems by Chapman include: De Guiana, Carmen Epicum (1596), on the exploits of Sir Walter Raleigh; a continuation of Christopher Marlowe's unfinished Hero and Leander (1598); and Euthymiae Raptus; or the Tears of Peace (1609).

Some have considered Chapman to be the "rival poet" of Shakespeare's sonnets (in sonnets 78–86), although conjecture places him as one in a large field of possibilities.

From 1598 he published his translation of the Iliad in instalments. In 1616 the complete Iliad and Odyssey appeared in The Whole Works of Homer, the first complete English translation, which until Pope's was the most popular in the English language and was the way most English speakers encountered these poems. The endeavour was to have been profitable: his patron, Prince Henry, had promised him £300 on its completion plus a pension. However, Henry died in 1612 and his household neglected the commitment, leaving Chapman without either a patron or an income. In an extant letter, Chapman petitions for the money owed him; his petition was ineffective. Chapman's translation of the Odyssey is written in iambic pentameter, whereas his Iliad is written in iambic heptameter. (The Greek original is in dactylic hexameter.) Chapman often extends and elaborates on Homer's original contents to add descriptive detail or moral and philosophical interpretation and emphasis.

Chapman also translated the Homeric Hymns, the Georgics of Virgil, The Works of Hesiod (1618, dedicated to Francis Bacon), the Hero and Leander of Musaeus (1618) and the Fifth Satire of Juvenal (1624).

Chapman's translation of Homer was admired by Alexander Pope for "a daring fiery spirit that animates his translation, which is something like what one might imagine Homer himself would have writ", though he also disapproved of Chapman's roughness and inaccuracy. John Keats expressed a fervent admiration of Chapman's Homeric authenticity in his famous poem "On First Looking into Chapman's Homer". Chapman also drew attention from Samuel Taylor Coleridge and T. S. Eliot.

Homage

In Percy Bysshe Shelley's poem The Revolt of Islam, Shelley quotes a verse of Chapman's as homage within his dedication "to Mary__ __", presumably his wife Mary Shelley:

There is no danger to a man, that knows

What life and death is: there's not any law

Exceeds his knowledge; neither is it lawful

That he should stoop to any other law.

The Irish playwright Oscar Wilde quoted the same verse in his part fiction, part literary criticism, "The Portrait of Mr. W.H.".

The English poet John Keats wrote "On First Looking into Chapman's Homer" for his friend Charles Cowden Clarke in October 1816. The poem begins "Much have I travell'd in the realms of gold" and is much quoted. For example, P. G. Wodehouse in his review of the first novel of The Flashman Papers series that came to his attention: "Now I understand what that 'when a new planet swims into his ken' excitement is all about." Arthur Ransome uses two references from it in his children's books, the Swallows and Amazons series.

Quotes

This section is a candidate for copying over to Wikiquote using the Transwiki process.

See also: English translations of Homer § Chapman

From All Fooles, II.1.170-178, by George Chapman:

I could have written as good prose and verse

As the most beggarly poet of 'em all,

Either Accrostique, Exordion,

Epithalamions, Satyres, Epigrams,

Sonnets in Doozens, or your Quatorzanies,

In any rhyme, Masculine, Feminine,

Or Sdrucciola, or cooplets, Blancke Verse:

Y'are but bench-whistlers now a dayes to them

That were in our times....



 
 

58-) English Literature

59-) English Literature\

Thomas Carew

Thomas Carew (pronounced as "Carey") (1595 – 22 March 1640) was an English poet, among the 'Cavalier' group of Caroline poets . Educated at the University of Oxford and at the Middle Temple, London, Carew served as secretary at embassies in Venice, The Hague, and Paris. In 1630 Carew received a court appointment and became server at table to the king. The Earl of Clarendon considered him as “a person of pleasant and facetious wit” among a brilliant circle of friends that included the playwright Ben Jonson.

Carew’s only masque , Coelum Britannicum  , was performed by the king and his gentlemen in 1634 and published the same year. Music for it was composed by Henry Lawes, who, among others, set some of Carew’s songs to music.

Biography

Thomas Carew was born between June 1594 and June 1595, probably at his parents' home at West Wickham in Kent, the third of the eleven children of his parents . His father, Sir Matthew Carew, a master in chancery, was descended from prominent Cornish gentry; his mother, Alice Ryvers Carew, was the daughter of Sir John Rivers, Lord Mayor of the City of London and widow of Ingpen, and granddaughter of lord mayors of London. His father, knighted about 1603, was already over 60 at the time of Thomas Carew's birth. Thomas Carew was enrolled in Merton College, Oxford, in June 1608, at which time he gave his age as 13. He took his degree of B.A.in January of 1611 and proceeded to study at the Middle Temple, on February 14th, was admitted as a reader in the Bodleian Library. He earned a BA from Cambridge University in 1612 and on August 6th of the same year entered the Middle Temple to begin his legal studies.Two years later his father complained to Sir Dudley Carleton that he was not doing well. He was therefore sent to Italy as a member of Sir Dudley's household and, when the ambassador returned from Venice, he seems to have kept Thomas Carew with him, for he was working as secretary to Carleton, at the Hague, early in 1616. However, he was dismissed in the autumn of that year for levity and slander; he had great difficulty in finding another job. In August 1618 his father died and Carew entered the service of Edward Herbert, Baron Herbert of Cherbury, in whose train he travelled to France in March 1619, and it is believed that he remained with Herbert until his return to England, at the close of his diplomatic missions, in April 1624. Carew "followed the court before he was of it," not receiving the definite commitment of the Chamber until 1628.

According to a probably apocryphal story, while Carew held this office he displayed his tact and presence of mind by stumbling and extinguishing the candle he was holding to light Charles I into the queen's chamber, because he saw that Lord St Albans had his arm round her majesty's neck. The king suspected nothing, and the queen heaped favours on the poet. Probably in 1630 Carew was made "server" or taster-in-ordinary to the king. To this period may be attributed his close friendships with Sir John Suckling, Ben Jonson and Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon; the latter described Carew as "a person of pleasant and facetious wit." John Donne, whose celebrity as a court-preacher lasted until his death in 1631, exercised a powerful influence over the genius of Carew. In February 1633 a masque by the latter, Coelum Britanicum, was acted in the Banqueting House at Whitehall, and was printed in 1634.

The close of Carew's life is absolutely obscure. It was long supposed that he died in 1639, and this has been thought to be confirmed by the fact that the first edition of his Poems, published in 1640, seems to have a posthumous character but Clarendon tells us that "after fifty years of life spent with less severity and exactness than it ought to have been, he died with the greatest remorse for that licence". If Carew was more than fifty years of age, he must have died during or after 1645, and in fact there were final additions made to his Poems in the third edition of 1651. Izaak Walton tells us that Carew in his last illness, being afflicted with the horrors, sent in great haste to "the ever-memorable" John Hales (1584–1656); Hales "told him he should have his prayers, but would by no means give him then either the sacrament or absolution."

Assessment

Carew's poems are sensuous lyrics. They open to us, in his own phrase, "a mine of rich and pregnant fancy." His metrical style was influenced by Jonson and his imagery by Donne, for whom he had an almost servile admiration. Carew had a lucidity and directness of lyrical utterance unknown to Donne. It is perhaps his greatest distinction that he is the earliest of the Cavalier song-writers by profession, of whom John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, was a later example, poets who turned the disreputable incidents of an idle court-life into poetry which was often of the rarest delicacy and the purest melody and colour. The longest of Carew's poems, "A Rapture," would be more widely appreciated if the rich flow of its imagination were restrained by greater reticence of taste. A testimonial to his posterity is that he was analyzed by 19th century critics such as Charles Neaves, who even two centuries later found Carew on the sensuous border of propriety.

Critical reception

Carew has long been recognized as a notable figure in English literary history. His earliest critics – chiefly other poets – evidently knew his work from the many manuscripts that circulated. Among many others, two of the most celebrated writers of the age, Sir John Suckling and William Davenant, paid tribute to Carew, playfully admiring his poetic craftsmanship. Carew's reputation, however, experienced a slow but steady decline during the second half of the seventeenth century. Despite some interest in Carew in subsequent years, not until the twentieth century did critics offer a reexamination of Carew's place in English literary history. F. R. Leavis wrote in 1936: "Carew, it seems to me, has claims to more distinction than he is commonly accorded; more than he is accorded by the bracket that, in common acceptance, links him with Lovelace and Suckling." More recently, Carew's place among the Cavalier Poets has been examined, as have his poetic affinities with Ben Jonson and John Donne; "A Rapture" has been scrutinized as both biography and fantasy; the funerary poetry has been studied as a subgenre; evidence of Carew's views concerning political hierarchy has been found in his occasional verse; and love and courtship have been probed as themes in the "Celia" poems. By the end of the twentieth century, Carew has been recognized as an important poet representative of his time and a master lyricist. According to Edmund Gosse, "Carew's poems, at their best, are brilliant lyrics of the purely sensuous order."

American author and naturalist Henry David Thoreau used Thomas Carew's poem "The Pretensions of Poverty" as a "complemental verse" to conclude the "Economy" chapter in his 1854 book Walden.

Major poetry

Carew was not, however, to persevere in his father's profession. According to Sir Matthew, Thomas studied his lawbooks "very litle." The Carew family, moreover, faced financial reverses. Sir Matthew's niece had married the diplomat Sir Dudley Carleton, who had recently been dispatched as ambassador to Venice, and in February 1613 Sir Matthew wrote the couple a plaintive account of his troubles. Carleton responded with a loan and with an offer to give young Thomas a position in Italy, presumably as his private secretary. Carew accepted and arrived in Italy sometime in late 1613.

We know very little of Carew's travels during this period. He did, however, meet Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, who was touring Italy after escorting Princess Elizabeth, daughter of James I, to Heidelberg following her marriage to Frederick, the Elector Palatine. In Arundel's train was Inigo Jones, who, 20 years later, would design the sets for Coelum Britannicum, and it is conceivable that Jones and Carew first met at this time. Carew returned with Carleton to England in December 1615; he had presumably given good service, for he was reengaged to accompany his patron on his next embassy, to the Netherlands, in March 1616.

At this point, young Carew seemed well on the way to preferment; Carleton was a powerful man with friends at court. During the summer of 1616, however, Carew's relationship with his patron suffered an irreversible blow. Although the precise details still remain unclear, Carew apparently set several unflattering reflections on the character of Sir Dudley and Lady Carleton to paper. Sir Dudley found the paper but, instead of confronting Carew, merely advised him that he would have a better chance of preferment if he returned to England and sought the favor of a distant cousin, George, Lord Carew, who had recently been made a member of the Privy Council. Thomas Carew arrived back in London in August 1616, much to his father's surprise and displeasure. Over the next two months Sir Matthew dispatched anxious inquiries to Carleton and to his agent, Edward Sherburne, and gradually the full story emerged. Sir Matthew, now in his early 80s, was furious with his wastrel son and urged him to reconcile himself to the Carletons; Thomas's efforts were seen as halfhearted, however, and the offended couple remained obdurate. Carew, nonetheless, apparently learned a valuable lesson from his indiscretion: in his later career he would prove himself the most circumspect of courtiers.

As he may well have surmised, Carew found no preferment from Lord Carew, but he nonetheless threw himself into the round of court ceremonial and celebration. He was an attendant at the creation of Charles as Prince of Wales on November 4, 1616; according to Carew's modern editor, Rhodes Dunlap, John Chamberlain singled Carew out as a "squire of high degree for cost and bravery." In October 1617, Sir Matthew Carew complained in a letter to Carleton that his son had been "mispending his time" and now lay languishing at home of "a new disease com in amongest us"—presumably syphilis—"by the which I pray God that he may be chastised to amend his lyfe." Carew's versification of nine of the Psalms may date from this period of illness and enforced idleness; the internal evidence of the pieces suggests that they are prentice work. Beset by financial worries and anxious about the future of his scapegrace younger son, Sir Matthew died on  August 2, 1618 and was buried in the church of Saint Dunstan's-in-the-West.

It was presumably during these years in London that Carew first turned seriously to composing lyric and amatory verse. Many of these poems are addressed to a mistress named Celia: if she is a real person, her identity has never been discovered, but it is just as likely that she represents a composite of several women or is a wholly fictive creation. Carew's lyrics rest squarely in the tradition of English Petrarchanism. The poet employs all the traditional conceits and addresses the usual amatory situations; yet, through vivid diction, a penchant for the elegant variation, and an ability to give an old phrase a surprising turn, he makes the clichés witty and new. In "The Spring," for example, Carew upbraids his mistress for continuing to remain cold to his suit while all nature warms to the rays of the March sun. The trope is old, but Carew's exquisite diction tricks up the threadbare contrast between winter and spring:

                                 Now that the winter's gone, the earth hath lost

                                 Her snow-white robes, and now no more the frost

                                 Candies the grasse, or castes an ycie creame

                                 Vpon the silver Lake, or Chrystall streame:

                                 But the warme Sunne thawes the benummed Earth,

                                 And makes it tender[.]

                                 The striking chiasmus of the final lines of the poem—

                                 all things keepe

                                 Time with the season, only shee doth carry

                                 Iune in her eyes, in her heart Ianuary

—nicely conveys Carew's tight stylistic control over his subject. In lyrics like these he is at heart a bricoleur who manipulates the elements of a tradition in novel and unexpected ways in order to make that tradition his own.

The range of amatory situations that Carew addresses in his lyrics is broad. "To A. L. Perswasions to love" is a fast-moving, closely argued suasoria that makes its case with compelling urgency:

                                 Oh love me then, and now begin it,

                                 Let us not loose this present minute:

                                 For time and age will worke that wrack

                                 Which time or age shall ne're call backe.

"A Pastorall Dialogue," on the other hand, demonstrates the pleasures of merely playing at love, as a shepherd and a nymph, finding the deserted bower in which a pair of real lovers has spent the night, reenact not their lovemaking but their parting in an artistic aubade. "Good Counsel to a young Maid" advises a girl not to yield too quickly to a suitor while "Boldnesse in love" takes the opposite tack, explaining to a "fond Boye" how "moving accents" and self-confidence will cause his mistress to receive him "With open eares, and with unfolded armes." In "Ingratefull beauty threatned" the poet admonishes Celia when she scorns him: the lady should remember that "'Twas I who gave thee thy renowne" and that the poet can unmake what he has made. Conversely, in "To A. D. unreasonable distrustfull of her owne beauty," the speaker attempts to raise the confidence of a shy girl, explaining that no one can love her until she first learns to love herself. Carew exhibits in these lyrics an exquisite psychological and social sensibility. In the aristocratic circles in which he passes his time, love is a game played to "cheat the lag, and lingring houres." Carew is the magister ludi, the master of the game, and his poems demonstrate that he alone knows all the right moves.

As is the case with Marvell, the amatory verse of Carew often addresses more than love. A lyric such as "A divine Mistris"—"In natures peeces still I see / Some errour, that might mended bee"—touches upon critical issues of aesthetics with a light but sure touch. In "To my Mistris sitting by a Rivers side. An Eddy," the speaker reads the actions of an eddy which strikes from the current toward the neighboring bank as an emblem of his relationship with his mistress. If she will accept his invitation to perpetual play, to a never-ending round of poetic and amorous dalliance, she can avoid being carried headlong to the wide ocean where she will "lose" her "colour, name, and tast." Poetry offers immortality, rescuing those who embrace it from the rushing river of time. In "To my Mistresse in absence" the poet offers a more explicit theory of the separation yet ultimate union of body and soul: though parted, the lovers "worke a mystique wreath" of hearts and minds that enables them to transcend the sublunary world. Thus fortified, they can "looke downe ... and smile" at the pain their bodies suffer in the world below. This yearning for transcendence and, more importantly, a confidence that through poetry men and women can achieve it, becomes a major chord in Carew's poetry over the next 20 years.

The inspiration for many of these lyrics lies in Donne, whose songs, sonnets, and elegies enjoyed wide manuscript circulation in London during the years in which Carew began to write. The younger poet borrows ideas, images, sometimes precise wording from his model; yet the ultimate effect is very different from Donne. Carew's syntax is utterly clear, his arguments easy to follow; what he sacrifices in dynamism and immediacy he gains in lucidity. He utterly ignores the satiric side of Donne. Many lyrics also evince a thorough knowledge of late-Renaissance syncretism and treatises on love; Carew's poetry may well have been instrumental in laying the groundwork for the vogue of "platonic love" that would sweep the court in the 1630s.

After the death of Sir Matthew Carew the family sold their house in London, and his wife and older son, Matthew, retired to an estate at Middle Littleton, Worcestershire. On May 13, 1619 Thomas Carew embarked in the entourage of Sir Edward Herbert, later Lord Herbert of Cherbury, on his great embassy to Paris. Among Carew's companions was the young John Crofts, who would soon become his boon companion; over the next 20 years Carew became an intimate of the Crofts family of Saxham Parva, Suffolk, and wrote nearly a dozen poems to its various members. In Paris, Carew may well have met the Italian poet Giambattista Marini, whom he imitates in several lyrics; he could also have used this opportunity to familiarize himself with the works of the Pléiade and its successors. Herbert remained intermittently in Paris until 1624, but the evidence of the poems suggests that Carew probably returned to London before this time.

"To Saxham," Carew's first essay in the genre of the country-house poem, undoubtedly was composed in the early 1620s. Sir John Crofts and his wife sprang from Carew's own social class, the minor gentry; with a family of twelve children, including nine unmarried daughters, the Crofts were anxious seekers of preferment and husbands at the court of James I. Carew's tribute to the family estate at Saxham clearly imitates Ben Jonson's praise of the Sidney family in his most famous country-house poem, "To Penshurst," but it diverges from the model in its economy, its abstractness, and its application of lyric devices to a wholly new genre. A related poem, "To the King at his entrance into Saxham," celebrates a visit by James I to the Crofts's estate in the early 1620s and serves as the prologue to a masque staged by the family on that occasion. "To the King" explores the relationship between the monarch and his subjects through an appeal to the Ovidian fable of Philemon and Baucis—the country house and its traditions of hospitality make it possible for that "little god," the king, to mix easily with common men.

During the mid and late 1620s Carew's reputation as a poet grew rapidly. He was increasingly associated with the circle of scholars and wits in which Edward Hyde, later Earl of Clarendon, moved while studying at the Inns of Court. Clarendon recalled that Carew "was a person of a pleasant and facetious wit, and made many poems, (especially in the amorous way,) which for the sharpness of the fancy, and the elegancy of the language in which that fancy was spread, were at least equal, if not superior to any of that time." It is to this period in London that we should probably ascribe the composition of "A Rapture," the most accomplished and most infamous erotic poem of the century. The poem opens as a suasoria in which the poet invites his mistress, Celia, to enjoy the delights of lovemaking; it rapidly modulates into a witty, sensuous, and to some readers shocking celebration of the female body. Carew depicts Celia as a landscape waiting to be explored and conquered—"Then will I visit, with a wandring kisse, / The vale of Lillies, and the Bower of blisse"; Celia herself lies passively "like a sea of milke" while the poet invades her with such a tempest "as when Jove of old / Fell downe on Danae in a storme of gold." What raises "A Rapture" above the meaner beauties of Renaissance erotica is not only the lush precision of its imagery but also its conclusion, in which Carew seriously addresses the issue of the sexual double standard, asking why that one word "Honour" should mean such different and apparently contradictory things for men and women. Carew's argument, perhaps, is not completely thought out, and the frank sexuality of the first part of the poem tends to overwhelm its final movement, yet the intellectual daring of the endeavor distinguishes him from most of his contemporaries, whose thinking on human sexuality rarely broached new frontiers.

"A Rapture" drew a great deal of censure—it was even denounced by name in Parliament—but it also made the poet's reputation and gained him attention at court. By the late 1620s Carew had become intimate with Kit Villiers, Earl of Anglesey, and brother of the royal favorite, George Villiers, first Duke of Buckingham. Carew composed a pair of elegies on Buckingham after his assassination in 1628. Anglesey himself succumbed to the ravages of fast living in early 1630, and Carew wrote an elegy on him that remains a powerful and attractive statement of the pleasures of the retired life. Returning to the image that he had used in "An Eddy," Carew explains how Anglesey

                                 chose not in the active streame to swim,

                                 Nor hunted Honour; which, yet hunted him.

                                 But like a quiet Eddie, that hath found

                                 Some hollow creeke, there turnes his waters round,

                                 And in continuall circles, dances free

                                 From the impetuous Torrent; so did hee[.]

At the moment when Carew was about to embark on the most active phase of his career at court, he still recognized the allure of freedom, self-sufficiency, and ultimately transcendence that the retired life promised.

The demise of Buckingham brought a change in the character of the court. Charles I, who had succeeded his father, James, in 1625, was determined to purge the royal household and expel the immoral and unsavory figures who had clustered around his predecessor; Charles's queen, the French princess Henrietta Maria, emerged as the critical figure in setting the artistic tone of the new court. Carew made the transition to this brave new world with surprising ease, perhaps in part due to his friendship with James Hay, first Earl of Carlisle, and his dazzling wife Lucy, the intimate friend of Henrietta Maria and a renowned beauty in her own right. Carew tacked to the new wind: in a poem addressed "To the Queene" he renounces the libertine leanings he had evinced in "A Rapture" and confesses his embrace of the cult of pure platonic love that Henrietta Maria had introduced at court. Preferment came at last on April 6, 1630 when Carew was sworn a gentleman of the privy chamber; about the same time he was granted the active post of sewer in ordinary to the king, which he gained despite vigorous competition from a Scottish rival. The duty of the sewer was to taste and pass dishes of the food to the king, and the position brought Carew into almost daily contact with the monarchs. He would maintain the post for the rest of his life.

Despite his official duties Carew retained and strengthened his ties with the literary circles in London and on the court's periphery. Had Carew written nothing else, he would have secured his critical reputation with his poems "To Ben Iohnson: Vpon occasion of his Ode of defiance annext to his Play of the new Inne" and "An Elegie upon the death of the Deane of Pauls, Dr. Iohn Donne" (1633). Carew was the one major poet to write appreciations of both men; in doing so, he was undoubtedly attempting to sort out the major influences on his own work and to define his relation to the two towering figures of early-17th-century poetry. "To Ben Johnson" consoles the aging poet and playwright over the failure of The New Inn on the London stage; at the same time, it takes him to task for sparring with critics who are beneath him. Carew clearly owed a great debt to Jonson, particularly in his early lyric poems: the forms he attempts, his comparatively simple diction, and his utterly limpid syntax are all Jonsonian in inspiration. The only account of a personal relationship between the two men, however, comes from James Howell, who in his Epistolæ Ho-Elianæ (1645) recounts a dinner at which Jonson began "to vapour extremely of himself, and by vilifying others, to magnify his own Muse." At this point Carew whispered to Howell that "tho' Ben had barrelled up a great deal of Knowledge, yet it seems he had not read the Ethics, which, among other Precepts of Morality, forbid Self-commendation, declaring it to be an ill-favour'd Solecism in good Manners." The anecdote is of a piece with Carew's poem, which combines clear-sighted appreciation of Jonson's literary achievement with a recognition that he may be past his prime—"Thy commique Muse" is in "decline / From that her Zenith." The tribute with which the poem concludes sums up the paradox of Jonson's situation: "The wiser world doth greater Thee confesse / Then all men else, then Thy selfe onely lesse." The triumph of Carew's poem is his combination of real praise with tactful admonition and the implicit suggestion that perhaps it is time for Jonson to retire and let other men take up his poetic laurels. Interestingly, Carew's epistle is shot through with Jonsonian allusion and imitations of the master's characteristic devices; in out-Jonsoning Jonson, he has suggested his own worthiness as a successor.

Carew's elegy on Donne is no less accomplished; it is, indeed, a bravura performance. Carew sets himself the difficult task of assessing Donne's position in English poetry, and he uses the occasion to predict how the successors of Donne, "Libertines in Poetrie," will squander his legacy. The elegy opens with a series of rhetorical questions, the answers to which form its organizing principle; Carew's response to the most interesting of these questions—"Can we not frame one elegy for Donne?"—consumes the larger portion of the poem. Donne is the great original in English poetry, Carew argues, and as such no elegy is possible because none of his degenerate successors is capable of writing one worthy of the subject. Carew's style, however, suggests that there may be one exception to this generalization. As in the epistle to Jonson, Carew displays an extraordinary skill for pastiche, imitating the most salient features of Donne's style and incorporating them into his own verse. The sweeping enjambment and knotty vocabulary, combined with a string of precise allusions of Donne's poetry, attest to Carew's intimate knowledge of his subject and slyly undercut his own argument. The poem closes with an oft quoted epitaph that aptly sums up Donne's career as poet and clergyman:

                                 Here lies a King, that rul'd as hee thought fit

                                 The universall Monarchy of wit;

                                 Here lie two Flamens, and both those, the best

                                 Apollo's first, at last, the true Gods Priest.

Louis Martz sums up the achievement of the elegy in the simple statement, "If we grasp the poem we grasp Donne."

The question of the relative influence of Donne and Jonson on the poetry of Carew has been a major object of critical scrutiny over the past century, and different critical models have been advanced in support of one position or another. Most recent criticism has focused less on the amount of the debt than on what Carew did with what he borrowed: as the epistle to Jonson and the elegy on Donne demonstrate, Carew was extraordinarily adept at imitating both poets when the need occurred, but he is equally skilled at employing his mimetic powers to pursue his own, very different artistic ends. Perhaps the most balanced assessment is that while Jonson was the formative influence on Carew's poetry, he also borrowed heavily from Donne in his early lyrics and then in the major poems of the 1630s, beginning with the elegy. The early borrowings were primarily substantive, those in the 1630s, primarily stylistic. Following the elegy on Donne, Carew's poetry assumes a new power and assurance as he addresses the issues that the 1630s brought to the fore.

Carew comes into his own as a commentator on affairs of state and as an enunciator of Caroline aesthetic ideals in his first major poem after the Donne elegy—"In answer of an Elegiacall Letter upon the death of the King of Sweden from Aurelian Townsend, inviting me to write on that subject." The death of Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, in November 1632 had thrown the Protestant forces in the Thirty Years' War into confusion; Townshend and a spate of other English poets had penned rousing elegies urging that Charles I take up Gustavus's sword in order to reclaim the Palatinate for his sister, the exiled Elizabeth of Bohemia, and her family. In a deft and illuminating response, Carew declines Townshend's offer, pointing out that England would be foolish to exchange its "peace and plenty" for the death and devastation that Germany had already suffered in what by 1632 seemed a never-ending conflict. Englishmen should instead enjoy the "Halcyon dayes" of Charles's beneficent rule and celebrate with "Tourneyes, Masques, Theaters" their good fortune. Mid-20th-century critics found the poem distasteful: C.V. Wedgwood decried what she termed a "mood of make-believe and play-acting" and Joseph H. Summers lamented the "smugly insular assumption of prosperity and an eternal party" in Carew's response. More recent articles have noted the grounding of the poem in Virgil's pastorals and have pointed out how closely attuned Carew's interpretation of European events was to the policy of the king and his advisers, who favored employing diplomatic rather than martial means to recover the Palatinate. Carew's poem is propaganda for the king's position, but it also constitutes an important exposition of his theories about how art ennobles men and women, permitting them to behold virtue, make it their own, and in so doing transcend their earthly limitations.

The central passage of "In answer to Aurelian Townsend" is a detailed description of how such a moral transformation takes place through participation in a court masque. Carew put his close observation of the form to good use the following year in his own masque, Coelum Britannicum , which was performed at Whitehall on Shrove Tuesday, 18 February 1634. Carew borrowed the basic idea of his masque from Spaccio de la Bestia Trionfante (1584), a dialogue by the 16th-century philosopher and mystic Giordano Bruno describing the moral reformation of the Olympian gods and the subsequent expulsion of the constellations, the mementos of their misdeeds, from the zodiac. In Carew's reworking of the theme, the decision of the gods to mend their ways springs from their desire to emulate the moral perfection of Charles and Henrietta Maria, who by this time had thoroughly purged the Caroline court of the unsavory hangers-on that they had inherited from the reign of James I. The main action of the masque parallels the cleansing of Olympus with what had already occurred in the Caroline court. Mercury, the messenger of the gods, outlines the general process, but it is left to Momus, the classical god of folly, to provide the tantalizing particulars. Momus's account is witty, ribald, and thoroughly satirical: his presence suggests that the court, or at least the poet who celebrated it, could still laugh at the occasional excesses that the monarchs' zeal might have led them to.

Mercury vanquishes an antimasque of allegorical figures representing vice and proclaims the apotheosis of Charles and Henrietta Maria, whose "Royall vertues" have earned them a place in the sky as the new constellation "Carlomaria." The dramatic performance cedes to the revels, which include a dance of ancient Picts, Scots, and Irish against an allegorical tableau of the three kingdoms that was designed by Inigo Jones. The masque concludes with a view of Windsor Castle; a troop of 15 stars, signifying the stellified British heroes, appears in the sky surrounding the image of a serpent swallowing its tail, a Renaissance emblem of eternity whose circular form recalls the eddy image of Carew's earlier poems. Sir Henry Herbert, the master of the revels, remembered Coelum Britannicum, as "the noblest masque of my time," and Carew's failure to write another masque after this triumph is puzzling. It may be that the satirical quips of Momus took too much license with the court; it may be that Carew found the form of the masque uncongenial; illness, perhaps, had begun to sap his creative energy. Whatever the cause, after 1634 it was Carew's friend and protégé, Sir William Davenant, who emerged as the preferred writer of court masques. In a sense Coelum Britannicum marks the high point of Carew's career. Although he continued to produce occasional poems and commendatory verses, and although one of his most exquisite pieces, "To G. N. from Wrest," still remained to be written, his most productive years were clearly those of the first half of the decade.

By the mid 1630s Thomas Carew had achieved the status of Caroline arbiter elegantiae, the man who set the standard for poetic excellence at the court. He attracted a following of younger poets, particularly Sir William Davenant and Sir John Suckling. Carew's relationship with Davenant stretched back to 1630 when he wrote commendatory verses for the first edition of The Just Italian (1630); he followed this poem with contributions to Davenant's The Witts (1636) and to Madagascar (1638), a volume of his occasional and lyric poetry. The Just Italian was shouted down by an unappreciative audience on its first production in October 1629, and one might more properly term Carew's poem consolatory rather than commendatory; the poet attacks "the sullen Age," counseling his young friend that only "men great and good" are so treated by "the Rabble." The poem prefixed to Madagascar is extremely significant for the insight it gives into Carew's aesthetic concerns. The title poem of Davenant's collection was a dream vision describing how Prince Rupert, the king's nephew, would lead an expedition to the island of Madagascar and conquer a new kingdom of incomparable richness for the Stuarts. Due to lack of funds and a growing skepticism—Rupert's mother, Elizabeth of Bohemia, labeled the plan "a Romance" out of "Don Quixotte"—the expedition never left port, and by the time of its publication Davenant's high-flying heroic poem was something of a bad joke. Carew's poem "To Will. Davenant my Friend" concedes that the expedition was abortive, but argues,

                                 What though Romances lye

                                 Thus blended with more faithfull Historie?

                                 Wee, of th'adult'rate mixture not complaine,

                                 But thence more Characters of Vertue gaine[.]

These lines constitute the most explicit statement of the epideictic ends of Caroline art: the heroic characters who swirl through the masques and dramas of the 1630s are patterns for emulation, not the literal truth, but their value is none the less for that. Carew's confidence in the power of art seems boundless, and he imparted that belief to the court; it was this very confidence, perhaps, that made the ideological, political, and military reverses of the Civil War years so hard to believe and so difficult to endure.

Carew's relationship with Suckling is more problematic. Although the names of the two poets were often bracketed during their lifetimes and immediately thereafter, Carew never mentions Suckling in his work whereas Suckling addresses the older man in three poems and a pair of mock-humorous letters on the advisability of marriage. Suckling's pasquinade, "Upon T. C. having the P.," uses the traditional Petrarchan images of fire and water to poke fun at the humorous situation of Carew, the poet of love, laid up with a bout of the pox, or venereal disease. In his dialogue "Upon my Lady Carliles walking in Hampton-Court garden," Suckling presents the two men admiring the passage of the reigning court beauty. While the romantic T. C. confines himself to a discreet swoon at the sight of the lady's charms, the bolder J. S. confesses how he mentally stripped her of all her clothes as she strolled by. When Tom chides him for his presumption, Jack responds, "What ever fool like me had been, / If I'd not done as well as seen." T. C. comes off as a fool whose excessive romanticism has blinded him to the true nature of his idol. In both these poems the presentation of Carew is jocular, but the humor has an edge: Suckling seems to admire Carew, and he embraces him as a comrade, but he also wants to take him down a peg. Suckling's final comment on Carew in "A Session of the Poets," his humorous catalogue of the Caroline poets who might be contenders for the poet laureateship after the death of Jonson, is similarly ambivalent. Carew, he writes, might have made a good laureate were it not that "His Muse was hard bound, and th'issue of's brain / Was seldom brought forth but with trouble and pain." Carew was indeed a meticulous craftsman, but the accusation that he labored over his verses would hardly have been considered a compliment in a court that valued sprezzatura, or aristocratic nonchalance, exceedingly. The excremental image in which the comment is wrapped completes the impression of a young Suckling trying to throw off what at times may have seemed the stifling influence of the older poet's strong artistic achievement.

By this point in his career Carew's fame as a lyricist and as a major artistic figure at court may well have seemed overwhelming to younger poets. Even the usually affable Davenant in his one piece addressed to Carew jokingly complains that Carew's poems are so good they have inflated courtly compliment. Lesser versifiers have been driven to desperation in the vain attempt to keep up, and lovers all over London will celebrate when the author of "A Rapture" finally breathes his last. This is, indeed, compliment with an edge. Carew apparently met this veiled hostility with silence. As Aurelian Townshend noted, Carew wrote no "rough footed Satires," and he continued to be generous with commendatory verses for other, less gifted poets until the end of his life.

The year 1639 found Thomas Carew at Wrest Park, Bedfordshire, the country seat of Henry de Grey, sixth Earl of Kent, and his wife, Elizabeth; it was from this rural retreat that Carew wrote what was probably his last poem, "To my friend G. N. from Wrest." The poem is an epistle to a fellow courtier serving in Charles I's abortive Scottish campaign during the spring of 1639; Carew contrasts the hardships his friend suffers on the bleak northern border with the plenty, peace, and leisure he enjoys with the de Greys. Carew consciously places his description of Wrest Park in the tradition of the country-house poem charted by "To Penshurst," but he diverges from the Jonsonian model in his emphasis on the physical and on the private rather than the public. In Carew's poem, Wrest, "i'th' center plac'd," is not so much an expansive emblem of an ideal social order as a terrestrial paradise protected by its triple moat from the political chaos that loomed just several years in the future. In its imagery and overall structure "To G. N. from Wrest" recalls the Caroline masque that Carew himself did so much to perfect; several of his descriptions, in fact, closely resemble the sets Jones designed for the last masque of the period, Davenant's Salmacida Spolia (1640). On the eve of the English Civil War, the poet retreats from the court, bearing the best of its culture with him. In this last work Carew looks forward to the uncertain and transient beauties of the Interregnum world of Andrew Marvell's "Upon Appleton House" rather than back to the solid verities of Jonson.

Thomas Carew died in March 1640. His place as sewer in ordinary was given to William Champneys on March 22; he was buried in Saint Dunstan's-in-the-West on March 23. His funeral cost 48 shillings, a sum larger than usual. Izaak Walton relates a story of the poet's deathbed repentance in the notes he collected for a life of the clergyman John Hales, who was both a cousin of Carew and a fellow of Merton when the poet matriculated there. According to Walton, in a dangerous fit of illness Carew had sent for Hales and received comfort and absolution on the promise that he would amend his scandalous life. Once recovered, however, Carew returned to his libertine ways. In his final illness Carew called again for Hales; the clergyman came but refused to absolve him, and the poet died unshriven.

No portrait of Thomas Carew has survived. The figures in the double portrait by Anthony Van Dyck that were once believed to depict Carew and Thomas Killigrew have now been firmly identified as Killigrew and William, Lord Crofts, the nephew of Carew's friend John.

Although Carew was celebrated during his lifetime and much imitated in the years immediately following his death, his critical reputation slowly sank over the next two centuries, to the point that Alexander Pope could dismiss him as "a bad Waller." His star rose again in the second half of the 20th century: New Critics recognized him as a deft and sophisticated master of the lyric, and more recent scholars have emphasized his roles as a political commentator, literary critic, and consummate courtier. More than the works of any other writer of the period, the poems of Thomas Carew define the aesthetic values of the aristocratic circles of the court of Charles I.

Thomas Carew was the poetic arbiter elegantiae of the court of Charles I of England. He gave one last witty spin to the tradition of Petrarchan lyric, polishing and resetting the traditional conceits of love poetry for an increasingly sophisticated and aristocratic audience. Carew penned the most notorious erotic poem of the 17th century, "A Rapture," as well as what is generally regarded as the most accomplished of the Caroline masques, Coelum Britannicum (1634). His two contributions to the minor genre of the country-house poem, "To Saxham" and "To my friend G. N. from Wrest," are still frequently anthologized. In the final decade of his life Carew largely eschewed lyric for occasional and commendatory poems. His verses to Ben Jonson on the failure of The New Inn (performed 1629; published 1631) and his elegy (1633) on the death of John Donne are the most astute contemporary assessments of the two men's poetic legacies. Carew is, indeed, one of the great transitional figures of English poetry: although indebted to Donne and Jonson and deeply grounded in the literature of the high English Renaissance, he sketched out the lighter, more elegant style that has come to be known as Cavalier verse. His younger followers—Sir John Suckling, Richard Lovelace, Edmund Waller, Sir William Davenant, and in an entirely different mode, Andrew Marvell—dominated the literary scene at mid-century and in turn foreshadowed the radical changes ushered in by the Restoration in 1660.

Poems. By Thomas Carew, Esquire is a collection of lyrics, songs, pastorals, poetic dialogues, elegies, addresses, and occasional poems. Most of the pieces are fairly short—the longest, "A Rapture," is 166 lines, and well over half are under 50 lines. The subjects are various: a number of poems treat love, lovemaking, and feminine beauty. Several of the poems, including "An Elegie upon the death of the Deane of Pauls, Dr. John Donne" are memorial tributes; others, notably "To Saxham," celebrate country-house life; and a few record such events as the successful production of a play ("To my worthy Friend, M. D’Avenant, upon his Excellent Play, The Iust Italian") or the marriage of friends ("On the Marriage of T. K. and C. C. the Morning Stormie").

Many of the songs and love poems are addressed to the still-unidentified "Celia," a woman who was evidently Carew's lover for years. The poems to Celia treat the urgency of courtship, making much of the carpe diem theme. Others commend Celia through simile, conceit, and cliché. The physical pleasures of love are likewise celebrated: "A Rapture" graphically documents a sexual encounter through analogy, euphemism, and paradox, while "Loves Courtship" responds to the early passing of virginity. A number of Carew's poems are concerned with the nature of poetry itself. His elegy on John Donne has been praised as both a masterpiece of criticism and a remarkably perceptive analysis of the metaphysical qualities of Donne's literary work. English poet and playwright Ben Jonson is the subject of another piece of critical verse, "To Ben. Johnson, Upon Occasion of His Ode of Defiance Annext to His Play of The New Inne." This poem, like the elegy on Donne, is concerned with both the style and substance of the author's literary works as well as with personal qualities of the author himself. Among Carew's occasional, public verse are his addresses to ladies of fashion, commendations of the nobility, and laments for the passing of friends or public figures, such as Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden.

Carew’s poems, circulated in manuscript, were amatory lyrics or occasional poems addressed to members of the court circle, notable for their ease of language and skillful control of mood and imagery. His longest poem was the sensuous Rapture, but his lyrics are among the most complex and thoughtful of any produced by the Cavalier poets. He was a meticulous workman, and his own verses addressed to Ben Jonson show that he was proud to share Jonson’s creed of painstaking perfection. He greatly admired the poems of John Donne, whom he called king of “the universal monarchy of wit” in his elegy on Donne (deemed the outstanding piece of poetic criticism of the age). Carew was also indebted to Italian poets, particularly Giambattista Marino, whose libertine spirit, brilliant wit, and technical facility were much akin to his own, and on whose work he based several of his lyrics. He translated a number of the Psalms and is said to have died with expressions of remorse for a life of libertinism. His poems were published a few weeks after his death. The definitive edition is The Poems of Thomas Carew, with His Masque “Coelum Britannicum,” edited by Rhodes Dunlap (1949).  

209-] English Literature

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