39-) English Literature
Margaret Cavendish
Writings
The
distinctive, even eccentric, character of Margaret Cavendish (known in the
1660s as “Mad Madge”) is apparent in all her works. A story she tells against
herself in CCXI Sociable Letters (1664) gives a vivid sense of the different
facets of this curious personality. In letter 66 she recounts that one day as
she was “Pondering upon the natures of Mankind” she wrote down on one piece of
paper all the virtues of her acquaintance, Lady A.N., and on another all her
imperfections. She found so many “excellencies” that she thought the lady would
be pleased to hear of them. But she accidentally included in her letter the
wrong paper—the one listing her acquaintance’s imperfections. On receiving the
reply she opened it “with great joy,” only to be horrified when she discovered
her mistake. She now begs a friend to go to her and explain what happened, “for
I dare not write to her again.” The incident demonstrates Cavendish’s passion
for “philosophizing,” her sincerity, her good-heartedness, her social
ineptness, and her naiveté.
Separating
Cavendish’s works from her life is difficult, if not impossible. To understand
her relationship with rhetoric, for example, one must recall that she first
learned about it not in school but from her brothers, and later from her
husband and her brother-in-law—all men who were considerably older than she and
who had been educated according to high Renaissance principles and practices,
which included a thorough grounding in the grand style. This situation might
explain her lifelong ambivalence toward rhetoric: on the one hand, she despised
it as an instrument of deceit and much preferred the plain style; on the other
hand, even as late as 1667 she still felt inadequate because she had never
learned its rules.
Cavendish,
as a poet, philosopher, writer of prose romances, essayist and playwright,
published under her own name at a time when most women writers remained
anonymous. Her topics included gender, power, manners, scientific method and
philosophy. Her utopian romance The Blazing World is one of the earliest
examples of science fiction. She was unusual in her time for publishing
extensively in natural philosophy and early modern science, producing over a
dozen original works; with her revised works the total came to 21. She often
would have her portrait engraved on the covers of her different works so that
people would know that she was solely responsible for the creation of whatever
she wrote and then published in some way or another.
Cavendish
has been championed and criticised as a unique, ground-breaking woman writer.
She rejected the Aristotelianism and mechanical philosophy of the 17th century,
preferring a vitalist model. In May 1667, she became the first woman to attend
a meeting at the Royal Society of London, criticising and engaging with members
and philosophers such as Robert Boyle. She has been claimed as an early
opponent of animal testing.
Cavendish's
publications brought her fame and helped to disprove the contemporary belief
that women were inherently inferior to men. Cavendish used them to advocate
women's education: women were capable of learning and benefiting from
education, and she insisted her own works would have been better still if, like
her brothers, she had been able to attend school.
Cavendish’s
next publication, Orations of Divers Sorts, Accommodated to Divers Places
(1662) is a collection of short speeches on a variety of topics about which, by
her own admission, she knew little: part 2, for example, consists of sixteen
pieces collected under the title “Orations in the Field of War.” No doubt she
was able to draw upon the considerable experience of her husband. The orations
were written while she was still in exile, though the prefatory letter that
discusses the reception of her plays must have been added later. The rhetorical
theory in Orations of Divers Sorts is found in the preliminary addresses, “To
the Readers of My Works” and “A Praefactory Oration.” The former reveals not
only her ideas on rhetoric but also her confusion about it and, above all, her
insecurity. If she had been a “Learned Scholar,” she says, she might have
written shorter orations. Here she is probably responding to ideas coming from
the Senecan school, which recommended the curt style. But she goes on to object
that extremely short speeches have no power to persuade. Here she is drawing on
Renaissance doctrines of copia, or the rhetorical amplification of ideas and
expression. In the next paragraph she engages in the standard
seventeenth-century critique of Renaissance style: the charge that rhetoricians
of the old school are concerned more with sound than with sense. In “A
Praefactory Oration” she develops further her ideas on accommodation and
decorum, relating the discussion to the tension between ratio and oratio:
speeches that merely entertain need only eloquence, whereas the more serious
kind demand deep thought. An interesting comment on Orations of Divers Sorts is
to be found in the preface to CCXI Sociable Letters. Noting that she has been
criticized for “Patronizing Vice,” she explains that she is merely following
established oratorical practice in arguing on both sides of the question. This
remark suggests that one of her projects in writing Orations of Divers Sorts
was to give herself a rhetorical education, practising declamatio (a rhetorical
exercise common at that time) like any other aspiring orator. Because she is
thus using her orations to give herself practice in rhetoric, it is dangerous
to cite her “Femal Orations” as evidence of her ideas about women’s ethos. In
fact, each speaker takes a different point of view.
In
The Life of the Thrice Noble, High and Puissant Prince William Cavendishe, Duke,
Marquess, and Earl of Newcastle (1667) Cavendish’s love and admiration for her
husband shine clearly through her prose, which is simple, direct, and sincere.
In the preface she lays out what would now be called her methodology. Her
discussion of the principles of historical writing is especially interesting
for its modern views: she eschews “feigned Orations” and “fancied Policies,”
dismissing them as “pleasant Romances” inappropriate in historical accounts,
which must stick to the simple truth. This preface also makes it clear that
even toward the end of her life Cavendish was still ambivalent about rhetoric:
admiring of its power to adorn, suspicious of its power to deceive, and above
all unhappy about her own lack of training in it.
Yet,
relatively little work has been done on her rhetorical theory, for it was long
assumed that women had no part in the rhetorical tradition. That judgment is
now being questioned and revised, and women’s contributions to rhetoric are at
last being studied. Especially noteworthy on Cavendish’s rhetoric is Patricia
A. Sullivan’s “Female Writing beside the Rhetorical Tradition: Seventeenth
Century British Biography and a Female Tradition in Rhetoric” (1980), an essay
exploring the specifically female characteristics of Cavendish’s style. Sylvia
Bowerbank also contributes to the discussion of Cavendish’s style in “The
Spider’s Delight: Margaret Cavendish and the ‘Female’ Imagination” (1984). Kate
Lilley provides an important account of aspects of Cavendish’s rhetoric in the
introduction to her 1992 edition of The Description of a New World, Called the
Blazing-World. In “My Brain the Stage: Margaret Cavendish and the Fantasy of
Female Performance” (1992) Sophie Tomlinson shows the connection between acting
and public speaking; and Andrew Hiscock suggests the liberating effects of the
age of print in giving women a public voice in his “‘Here’s No Design, No Plot,
Nor Any Ground’: The Drama of Margaret Cavendish and the Disorderly Woman”
(1997). Amy Scott-Douglass’s important essay “Self-Crowned Laureatess: Towards
a Critical Revaluation of Margaret Cavendish’s Prefaces” (2000) discusses
Cavendish’s rhetorical strategies in creating her own image. Anna Battigelli
gives an account of Cavendish’s use of narrative frames in chapter 4 of her
Margaret Cavendish and the Exiles of the Mind (1998). Mary Beth Rose considers
Cavendish’s autobiography, A True Relation of My Birth and Breeding, in
“Gender, Genre, and History: Seventeenth-Century English Women and the Art of
Autobiography” (1986). Jane Donawerth’s work on Cavendish’s rhetorical theory
is essential reading for anyone interested in the subject. She has discussed
The Worlds Olio in two essays: “The Politics of Renaissance Rhetorical Theory
by Women” (1995) and “Conversation and the Boundaries of Public Discourse in
Rhetorical Theory by Renaissance Women” (1998). Especially valuable is her
discussion of the importance of conversation in seventeenth-century women’s
rhetoric. Christine Mason Sutherland has discussed Cavendish’s rhetoric in her
essay “Aspiring to the Rhetorical Tradition: A Study of Margaret Cavendish”
(1997); and Ryan John Stark has contributed to the subject in “Margaret
Cavendish and Composition Style” (1999).
Major works
Poems and Fancies (1653)
Poems,
and Fancies covers a variety of subjects, including science. So far as
rhetorical theory is concerned, it is important for its prefaces, in which she
defends her decision to publish, thus contributing to the burning question for
women in rhetoric at the time: their ethos. She contends that in writing and
publishing in order to achieve fame she has done nothing shameful or immodest.
Another point of interest is found in her address “To Moral Philosophers”;
here, in an extended metaphor from music, she discusses rhetorical pathos, the
address to the passions. Cavendish loved music, and some of her most
interesting rhetorical theory has to do with sound.
Poems
and Fancies encompasses poems, epistles and some prose on topics that include
natural philosophy, atoms, nature personified, macro/microcosms, other worlds,
death, battle, hunting, love, honour and fame. Her poems at times take a
dialogue form between such pairs as earth and darkness, an oak and a
tree-cutter, melancholy and mirth, and peace and war. As noted by Mistress
Toppe, formerly Elizabeth Chaplain and Cavendish's maid, Cavendish's writings
took the form of poetical fiction, moral instruction, philosophical opinion,
dialogue, discourses and poetical romances. Poems and Fancies included The
Animal Parliament, a prose piece consisting largely of speeches and letters.
The collection concludes with her thoughts on her writing and an advertisement
for one of her future publications.
Authorial intent
Cavendish
concluded the collection by stating she was aware that she did not write
elegantly and that her phrasing and placement of words could be criticised. She
said she had difficulty creating rhymes that could communicate her intended
meaning. In short, Cavendish stated that she strove for meaning at the expense
of elegance, her aim being to communicate ideas. She also noted that she
expected her work to be criticised for not being useful, but she wrote not to
instruct her readers in the arts, sciences or divinity, but to pass her time,
asserting that she made better use of her time than many others. Cavendish
returned to these points in her epistles and poems.
Epistle dedicatory
Cavendish,
like authors such as Aphra Behn and William Wordsworth, stated her intended
audience, writing purpose and philosophy in prefaces, prologues, epilogues and
epistles. Her several epistle dedications for Poems and Fancies often sought to
justify writing at a time when women writers were not encouraged and in terms
of her subject choice. She instructed readers in how to read and respond to her
poetry, most often by inviting praise from supporters and requesting silence
from those unaffected by her work. Cavendish commonly used the epistles to
admit and excuse potential weaknesses in her writing. They were directed at
specific audiences and varied accordingly.
Mental spinning
Looking
at several of the epistles in Poems and Fancies, her dedication to Sir Charles
Cavendish, her brother in law, compares writing poetry to spinning and calls
poetry mental spinning – it was commonly thought to be more appropriate for
women to spin than to write, but she herself was better at writing. This is one
of several occasions when Cavendish calls attention to stereotypical gender
roles and expands on her reasons for not following them. As here, Cavendish
often employed metaphors to describe her writing in terms of stereotypical
feminine tasks or interests, such as spinning, fashion and motherhood. While
criticising her own work, she said it would seem better if Sir Charles
Cavendish looked favourably on it. Cavendish often appealed to readers for
applause: if it were well received it would be somewhat improved. She ends by
complimenting Charles's charity and generosity.
The pursuit of fame
In
her epistle to noble and worthy ladies and in many others, Cavendish plainly
expresses her desire for fame. She was not concerned that the best people
should like her writing, as long as many people did. She justified this by
linking fame to noise and noise to great numbers of people. Cavendish often
assumed a defensive position, here justified by asserting that she expected
critiques from males and females not only of her writing, but of her practice
of writing itself. Cavendish argued that women who busy themselves writing will
not act ineptly or gossip. Though she expected criticism from females, she
calls for female support in gaining honour and reputation. She ends by stating
that if she fails, she will see herself as martyred for the cause of women.
Defence of writing and fame
In
her epistle to Mistress Toppe, Cavendish states a desire for fame as her main
reason for writing. Again she asks for acceptance of her writing as a
digression from accepted gender norms. While she often brings in metaphors of
domestic or stereotypical feminine activities, here she tries to excuse her
desire for fame by distancing her ambition from what is feminine: her ambition
is a quest for glory, perfection and praise, which she states is not
effeminate. Even while writing and pursuing fame she remained modest and
honourable and does nothing to dishonour her family. Cavendish attributed her
confidence, as a type of censor, to her belief that there is no evil, only
innocence in her desire for fame. As to her writing without permission,
Cavendish excuses herself by stating it is easier to get a pardon after the
fact than to obtain leave beforehand. She places writing over gossip, as a
common and negative female activity. She credits her books as tangible examples
of her contemplation and contrasts her self-proclaimed harmless ideas with wild
ideas that might lead to indiscreet actions.
Cavendish
explored writing closet dramas in her exile. She became one of the best-known
women playwrights through her interest in philosophical nature. This epistle is
followed by a response from Mistress Toppe, praising Cavendish and her skill in
poetical fiction, moral instruction, philosophical opinion, dialogue,
discourses and poetical romances.
Language, knowledge and error
Cavendish
included a prefatory letter to natural philosophers. She knew no language but
English, and even her English was somewhat limited, since she was familiar only
with "that which is most usually spoke." In other words, she
downplayed her knowledge of the technical vocabulary used by natural
philosophers, and thereby her knowledge of opinions and discourses that
preceded her own. She then dismissed errors she might make as trivial,
asserting that she did not mean her text to be taken as truth. She wrote simply
to pass time and expected her work to be read for the same end. This epistle
also explained her writing in verse: poets were thought to write fiction and
that fiction was aligned with pastime, not truth. So verse might be expected to
contain errors. Cavendish lamented that her work was not more entertaining and
advised readers to skip any part they did not like.
Writing to pass the time
Her
epistle states that with no children and at that time no estate, she has a lot
of spare time, which she fills by writing, not housekeeping. Food husbandry in
poetry was well-ordered fancy composed of fine language, proper phrases and
significant words. Cavendish excused errors that might be found in her work as
due to youth and inexperience, for she wrote only to distract herself from
hardships of her husband's and her own. Comparing her book to a child, she said
that it was innocent, young, well-behaved, bashful and sensitive. Readers
should blame her, not the book, if they did not like it. If, however, the book
was well liked, she made it clear that she expected fame.
Instruction on comprehension and judgement
In
her epistle to the poets, Cavendish notes that as women seldom wrote, her
writing may be ridiculed, as the strange and unusual seem fantastical, the
fantastical seems odd, and the odd seems ridiculous. She requests that her work
be judged by reason, not prejudice. She then excuses weaknesses in her poetry
by stating that she writes only to escape melancholy thoughts and fill idle
time. She employs a food/feasting metaphor: her poems are not ripe, but
applause and praise will make them pass as a "general feast" to those
of vulgar taste who take quantity over quality. As was typical in her writing,
applause is welcomed and criticism censored, as she advises those who dislike
her poetry to keep silent. Hers are poems of fancy and so require study. She
recommends that as one with a troubled conscience ought to look to a minister
for guidance. Likewise a reader will ask a poet for help in understanding her
poems. Attempting again to guide readers to a positive reception of her book,
Cavendish distinguishes poets (able judges of poetry) from rhymers (faulty
judges of poetry) and advises people not to call her book nonsense or poorly
constructed out of their own ignorance and malice. Returning again to her
desire for fame, Cavendish notes that if judged by an honest poet, who would
not be envious, her work would receive applause.
Cavendish
asks the reader to read her fancies (poems) slowly, paying heed to each word,
for each is a fancy itself. She warns that if readers lose their place or skip
lines, they will miss the meaning of the entire work.
Poems: excuses and instructions
Cavendish
followed some epistles with poems on how they came to be published and how they
should be received. The proximity of the poems to the epistles and their
similarity in subject and tone, suggests that they may be interpreted as
Cavendish's own point of view.
The
poem The Poetresses sic hasty Resolution, like many of Cavendish's epistles,
contains excuses for errors that may be found in the poet's work and begs for
praise. The poet states that self-love influences her judgement of her own
poetry, which she finds she likes so much that she is moved to continue writing
in hope of fame. She claims to write without thought of how her work would be
received by critics. She then recalls how she was visited by Reason, who
advised her to stop writing. Reason said her writing was a waste of time, that
her work would not be well received and she should not have her work printed,
so that the printer would not lose money. Reason also stated that there were
already too many books and she should burn what she had written to spare the
world from more. The poet noted her own angry response: she sent her book to
press before she could be persuaded otherwise. In hindsight, however, she
regretted doing so: she felt ashamed by her writing and told the reader to pity
her and wipe away her tears with praise.
In
The Poetresses Petition, she compares a negative reception to her books with
their death. If the books suffer such a death (i. e. criticism), she requests
silence and that they be forgotten, without alteration or inscriptions, and
left undisturbed unless new merit is found. Again Cavendish sought to censor
criticism and promote fame by instructing that only positive criticism should
be voiced.
In
An Apology for Writing So Much upon This Book, she compares it to a child and
the book/child and author/parent to birds. The book is like a baby bird just
going out on its own. The author, like a parent bird, is unsure whether the
book/baby bird will be safe and chirrups an attempt to protect it.
Nature's
Pictures drawn by Fancy's Pencil to the Life (1656)
This
is viewed as "Cavendish's most ambitious attempt to combine modes and
genres." It includes short prose romances – "The Contract" and
"Assaulted and Pursued Chastity" – and several prefatory addresses to
the reader. The stories concern "the advantageous production of woman as
spectacle" and "repeatedly [feminise] the aristocratic and chivalric
trope (or figure) of the fair unknown."
A True Relation of my Birth, Breeding, and Life
(1656)
Cavendish
published this autobiographical memoir as an addendum to Natures Pictures Drawn
by Fancies Pencil to the Life, in 1656. She wrote it at the age of 33, which
has been discussed by literary critics. One critic sees Cavendish's
autobiography as a way to gain credibility and a marketable image that would
undercut a socially improper public image. Cavendish wrote her autobiography in
response to what people were saying of her in her lifetime. It relates
Cavendish's lineage, social status, fortune, upbringing, education and
marriage, describes her pastimes and manners, and offers an account of her
personality and ambition, including thoughts on her bashfulness, contemplative
nature and writing. She also shares her views on gender (appropriate behaviour
and activity), politics (Parliamentarians v. Royalists) and class (proper
behaviour of servants).
The
memoir details the lives of her family, including a short account of her
brother Charles Lucas, one of the best Civil War Cavalier cavalry commanders,
executed by the Parliamentarians for treason in the Second English Civil War.
She goes on to address the economic and personal hardships that she and her
family faced from the war and their political allegiance, such as loss of
estates and bereavements.
CCXI Sociable Letters (1664)
CCXI
Sociable Letters was published in 1664, but many of the letters were written
while she was still in exile. Some were presumably written before Orations of
Divers Sorts—particularly letter 175, in which she discusses the idea of
writing a book of orations, expressing her reservations about her competence to
do so. She knows “no Rules in Rhetorick,” never having been to school. In this
letter she tells of the “antient decayed gentlewoman” who taught her to read
and write. Four other pieces in CCXI Sociable Letters are significant to
Cavendish’s views on rhetoric: two prefaces and letters 27 and 28. “To All
Professors of Learning and Art” offers her familiar excuse for the deficiencies
of the work: she is a woman and therefore inferior both by nature and by
“breeding.” The preface addressed to “Noble Readers” is a rebuttal of
criticisms of earlier works. One other important point in this preface concerns
style; and again her rhetorical theory takes the form of defense, this time
against the anticipated criticism that she does not use “High Words and
Mystical Expressions.” What she is endeavoring to do, she explains, is to
reproduce conversational style in letters. Letters 27 and 28 are panegyrics on
rhetoric. In spite of what she says elsewhere about the superiority of thought
over expression, she now speaks in praise of eloquence considered as pathos,
the address to the emotions. In letter 27 she praises men for their natural
eloquence. She fears women are incapable of it and therefore envies men. In the
next letter she defends herself against the charge that she admires mere words,
explaining that the reason she loves eloquence “before all other Musick” is
that it has the power to make truth operative. CCXI Sociable Letters is
certainly one of the most successful of all Cavendish’s works, beguiling in its
candor, and with shrewd comments on everyday life and domestic relations that
add a delicious sharpness. The racy style suggests that, had it not been for
her debilitating bashfulness, she might have been a famous conversationalist.
She herself knows that this particular genre is her forte: she explains in
another preface to the work (titled “The Preface”) that she has chosen to write
letters rather than plays because they allow her to use the conversational
style.
Published
in 1664 by William Wilson, CCXI Sociable Letters (1664) is a collection of
letters, written as if composed by real women. The organisation is similar to
that of The World's Olio (1655). The topics are as varied as the forms and
length of the letters. They cover marriage, war, politics, medicine, science,
English and classical literature, and miscellaneous matters like gambling and
religious extremism. Some letters seem to point to characters as actual people
– Thomas Hobbes may appear in letter 173 and C. R. stand for King Charles II, –
and some are addressed to real people with whom Cavendish often communicated,
but most are fictional, leading to a surprisingly vibrant, ongoing conversation
and observation of contemporary life.
Cavendish's natural philosophy
Throughout
her work on natural philosophy, Margaret Cavendish defends the belief that all
nature is composed of free, self-moving, rational matter.[33] Eileen O'Neill
provides an overview of Cavendish's natural philosophy and its critical
reception in her introduction to Observations upon Experimental Philosophy. She
describes Cavendish's natural philosophy as rejecting Aristotelianism and
mechanical philosophy and favouring Stoic doctrines: while women rarely wrote
about natural philosophy in the 17th century, Cavendish published six books on
the subject. O'Neill points out that Cavendish herself was not formally
educated in natural philosophy, though William Cavendish and his brother
Charles shared an interest in the subject and supported her interest and study
in the area. She may also have been influenced by social encounters with
philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes. O'Neill believes Hobbes (who had instructed
Charles in philosophy) had marked influence on Cavendish's natural philosophy,
making her one of the few 17th-century supporters of Hobbes' materialist
philosophy, which argued that incorporeal souls did not exist in nature.
Beginning in the 1660s, Cavendish began to study the work of her contemporaries
more seriously. O'Neill suggests that such study was meant to enable Cavendish
to argue her own points better by contrast with those of other natural
philosophers.
O'Neill
notes that Cavendish's natural philosophy and her writing in general were
criticised by many contemporaries and by more recent readers, such as Pepys,
Henry More and Virginia Woolf. Cavendish's work has also received positive
criticism and been lauded by many for tackling typically male-dominated
subjects such as natural philosophy. Letters and poems of praise by her husband
were included in several of her published works.
Writing as an honourable disease
Cavendish
in her preface to Observations upon Experimental Philosophy states that she
expects readers to say that her practice of writing prolifically is a disease.
If so, Cavendish stated, many others, including Aristotle, Cicero, Homer and St
Augustine, have suffered the same disease. It was an honour for someone of
great ambition (as she often identified herself) to share the disease of such
wise and eloquent men. In these, as in her other writings, she asserts that she
writes for herself and that her writing is a harmless pastime when compared
with those of many other women. She contradicts herself, however, by adding
that she writes for delight, which she had denied in her previous work. Also
somewhat contradictory is her intention of continuing to write even if she has
no readers, which belies her desire for fame. Ultimately, Cavendish excuses her
criticism of and engagement with the theories of other natural philosophers as
a necessary step in the search for truth.
Learning
versus wit
In
her epistle to the reader, Cavendish writes that woman's wit may equal that of
man, and women may be able to learn as easily as men. She argues that wit is
natural, whereas learning is artificial, and in her time, men have more chance
of educating themselves than women.
Cavendish
remarks on her own experience reading philosophical works: many such works have
challenged her understanding with their frequently difficult words and
expressions. Thus Cavendish advises writers of philosophy to use language
appropriate to less expert readers. She defends this by stating that
philosophical terms should ease communication of thoughts. She believes that
successful communication is possible in all languages and accuses those who
complicate communication (particularly English writers) of aiming for esteem
from those who admire writing simply because they do not understand it, without
considering that it may be nonsense. In her own work, Cavendish states, she
chooses not to use difficult terms, although she adds that she understands such
terms. Her stated reason is that she desires her work to be accessible to
people regardless of their education. Her aim is to communicate her ideas
clearly. She requests that any errors that may be found in her work be
overlooked and readers remain focused on her main ideas. Here, as in many
epistles, she instructs readers on how to approach her work and requests them
to read it fully and withhold criticism until they have done so.
The
Description of a New World, Called the Blazing World (1666)
Cavendish's
prose tale was published in 1666 and again in 1668, each time with Observations
upon Experimental Philosophy.
As
many such as Silvia Bowerbank and Sara Mendelson have noted,this early version
of science fiction critiques and explores such issues as science, gender and
power. It also views relations between imagination and reason and philosophy
and fiction. Cavendish writes herself into the book, which details a fictional,
quite separate new world and its empress. She remarks in her epilogue that she
is the empress, adding that in much the same way as there was a Charles the
First, she would be seen as Margaret the First.
Plays in 1662 and 1668
Cavendish’s
first collection of plays, though written during her exile, was not published until 1662, the original manuscript having
been lost at sea. The prefatory material includes a discussion of gender: here,
as in The Worlds Olio, Cavendish shows a clear recognition of the difference
between masculine and feminine styles and their different uses. This time she
does not suggest that women are naturally inferior. She also takes further her
ideas on accommodation: because discourse must be adjusted to particular
audiences and circumstances, one cannot expect the orator to use the same style
in private conversation as in public speech. On the relationship between
speaking and writing, she asserts that the best writers are not usually the
best speakers; and women cannot be good writers because they talk too much. A
short note immediately preceding a prefatory poem by William Cavendish is
especially interesting because it gives instructions about delivery. Here
again, Cavendish is concerned with decorum: the readers must not read the
scenes as if they were chapters in a book. The last play in this collection,
The Female Academy, uses the idea of a women’s retreat, rather similar to the
one in William Shakespeare’s Loves Labors Lost (1598). One must be cautious in
attributing the ideas of the various speakers to Cavendish herself, for they
represent a variety of points of view; but they are worth noting, especially
those that also occur in her nonfictional works. Of these, three should be
noted in particular.
The
first has to do with attitudes toward rhetoric: the lady speaker in act 2,
scene 4, represents rhetoric as the art of deceit. This position is consistent
with Cavendish’s own in The Worlds Olio, though not with that in CCXI Sociable
Letters. Second, the ideas expressed on the subject of propriety are also
consistent with what is known from other sources of Cavendish’s views: a true
aristocrat, she insists upon proper deference to different ranks. Finally, the
characters in the play develop the idea of music as rhetoric found in The
Worlds Olio: disputative discourses are compared to “Chromatick Musick”; and in
act 2, scene 16, music itself is added as a fifth kind of discourse after the
four major kinds listed: reasoning belongs to the soul; speaking to the senses;
actions to life; and writing, painting, and carving to the arts; but music is
“the Language of the Gods.”
Two
volumes of Cavendish's dramatic works were printed. Plays (1662), printed by A.
Warren (London) includes:
Loves
Adventures , The Several Wits , Youths Glory, and Deaths Banquet
The
Lady Contemplation , Wits Cabal , The Unnatural Tragedy , The Public Wooing , The
Matrimonial Trouble , Nature's Three Daughters, Beauty, Love and Wit , The
Religious , The Comical Hash , Bell in Campo , A Comedy of the Apocryphal
Ladies , The Female Academy , Plays, Never Before Printed (1668) was published
by Anne Maxwell (London): , The Sociable Companions, or the Female Wits , The
Presence , Scenes (edited from The Presence) , The Bridals , The Convent of
Pleasure , A Piece of a Play
Other works
Cavendish
also published collections of Philosophical Letters (1664), orations, as in her
collection entitled Orations (1662). Many of her works address such issues as
natural philosophy, gender, power and manners. Cavendish's plays were never
acted in her lifetime, but a number, including The Convent of Pleasure (1668)
have been staged since. Several of Cavendish's works have epistles, prefaces,
prologues and epilogues in which she discusses her work, philosophy and
ambition, while instructing the reader on how to read and respond to her
writing. Her work has been alternately criticised and championed from its
original publication to the present day.
Critical reception
Cavendish’s
works were not well received in her own day. Two celebrated diarists made fun
of her: Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn, who wrote a rude ballad about her visit
to the Royal Society on 30 May 1667. Evelyn’s wife, Mary, and Dorothy Osbourne,
wife of William Temple, both thought her so eccentric that she ought not to be
allowed out. She had her admirers, however: Mildmay Fane, Earl of Westmorland,
wrote a poem in her honor on the flyleaf of his copy of Poems, and Fancies;
John Dryden congratulated Newcastle on his wife’s “masculine style”; Sir Kenelm
Digby and Henry More, to both of whom she gave copies of her work, professed to
value it; and Joseph Glanvill and Walter Charleton respected her enough to
offer her serious criticism and advice. Among women, Bathsua Makin paid tribute
to her in An Essay to Revive the Antient Education of Gentlewomen (1673). In
general, however, she remained a frequently satirized figure.
Cavendish’s
reputation fared little better in subsequent generations, though she continued
to have admirers: Alexander Nicol appended extracts from Natures Pictures to
Poems on Several Subjects, Both Comical and Serious (1766); Sir Egerton Bridges
in 1814 published an edition of Cavendish’s “A True Relation of My Birthe and
Breeding”; and Kathleen Jones reports in her 1988 biography of Cavendish that
Charles Lamb enjoyed her Sociable Letters and so much admired her biography of
her husband, the duke, that he referred to it as a jewel. In the twentieth
century Virginia Woolf valued her work, though she also made trenchant
criticisms of it. Only in the latter part of the twentieth century, however,
did Cavendish’s importance begin to be recognized. Many contemporary scholars
are now engaged in studying her works, and there is a flourishing Margaret
Cavendish Society.
Cavendish
was an unorthodox and daring intellectual who received positive and negative
commentary from her contemporaries. Negative comments can be found by the Royal
Society member Samuel Pepys who once wrote of her as "a mad, conceited,
ridiculous woman" though he was eager to read her work. Dorothy Osborne
reflected in one published letter, after reading a book by the Duchess, that
she was "sure there are soberer people in Bedlam." She also had
numerous admirers, Constantijn Huygens, Mildmay Fane, Earl of Westmorland, John
Dryden, Kenelm Digby, Henry More were among them. Joseph Glanvill and Walter
Charleton corresponded with her and engaged with philosophy and science. After
her death, her husband William Cavendish compiled a book of admiring letters,
poems, and epitaphs by numerous people. In the nineteenth century Charles Lamb
enjoyed her Sociable Letters and so much admired her biography of her husband
that he called it a jewel "for which no casket is rich enough." James
Fitzmaurice argues “Cavendish was viewed sympathetically by the English
Romantic poets”.
Margaret
Cavendish was the first person to develop an original theory of atomism in
Britain. She was also the first female to be invited to attend a session of the
Royal Society. One member, John Evelyn, saw in Cavendish "a mighty
pretender to learning, poetry, and philosophy". Yet her knowledge was
recognised by some, such as the protofeminist Bathsua Makin: "The present
Dutchess of New-Castle, by her own Genius, rather than any timely Instruction,
over-tops many grave Gown-Men." She saw her exemplifying what women could
become through education. New manuscript evidence also suggests she was read
and taken seriously by at least some early Royal Society members, such as its
secretary, Nehemiah Grew.
Cavendish
was mostly lost to obscurity in the early twentieth century. Not until Virginia
Woolf's The Common Reader (1925) did discourse rediscover the Duchess. Woolf
remarked that:
the
vast bulk of the Duchess is leavened by a vein of authentic fire. One cannot
help following the lure of her erratic and lovable personality as it meanders
and twinkles through page after page. There is something noble and Quixotic and
high-spirited, as well as crack-brained and bird-witted, about her. Her
simplicity is so open; her intelligence so active.
Margaret
Cavendish began to generate intense scholarly interest in the 1980s, when
rediscovered and analysed from a modern feminist perspective. Since then there
have been many book-length critical studies of her. She has also gained fame as
one of the first science-fiction writers, with her novel The Blazing World. Her
self inserted as a character named Margaret Cavendish in The Blazing World is
said to be among the earliest examples of the modern Mary Sue trope. More recently,
her plays have been examined in performance studies, for blurring the lines
between performance and literature, challenging gender identities and upsetting
gender norms. Further analysis on Cavendish appears here.
This
new interest has engendered media projects. The film, The Blazing World (2021)
is loosely inspired by Cavendish's science fiction story. Siri Hustvedt's The
Blazing World (2014), which was also loosely inspired by Cavendish, won The Los
Angeles Times Book Prize for Fiction and was long listed for the Booker Prize.
Margaret the First by Danielle Dutton dramatises her "with lucid precision
and sharp cuts through narrative time", as a new approach to
"imagining the life of a historical woman".[60]] As the digital humanities
grow, several projects have begun archiving Cavendish. The International
Margaret Cavendish Society was set up as "a means of communication between
scholars worldwide", to increase awareness of Cavendish's scholarly
presence as a hub for newsletters, contacts and links to Cavendish's works.
Likewise the Digital Cavendish Project works to make Cavendish's writing
accessible and readable for people across the web and "highlight digital
research, image archives, scholarly projects, and teaching materials". On 26
January 2018, the Digital Cavendish Twitter account announced that its next
goal was to compile the Complete Works of Margaret Cavendish.
A
question that necessarily arises for contemporary scholars is whether or not
Margaret Cavendish should be regarded as an early feminist. She certainly paved
the way for the feminists who came later; however, she evinces little of that
solidarity with other women that characterizes feminism. In fact, at the
beginning of Natures Pictures she not only confesses to extraordinary ambition
but also admits that she does not want to share her glory with other women: “I
dare not examin the former times, for fear I should meet with such of my Sex
that have out-done all the glory I can aime at.” An alternative approach is to
see Cavendish in terms of the aristocratic culture of her own time, one that
adopted an ideology of display. Hero Chalmers discusses Cavendish as an
aristocrat in “Dismantling the Myth of ‘Mad Madge’: The Cultural Context of
Margaret Cavendish’s Authorial Self-Presentation” (1997). Diana Barnes
reinforces this approach in “The Restoration of Royalist Form in Margaret
Cavendish’s Sociable Letters” (2001). In “Margaret Cavendish: Strategies
Rhetorical and Philosophical against the Charge of Wantonness, or Her Excuses
for Writing So Much” (1991), Sylvia Brown also sees Cavendish in terms of a
heroic ideology, rather than as an early feminist, though she puts forward the
idea that Cavendish offered a new, feminine interpretation of copia.
No comments:
Post a Comment