Grammar American & British

Saturday, January 13, 2024

55-) English Literature

55-) English Literature



Lady Mary Wroth  

Lady Mary Wroth (née Sidney; 18 October 1587 – 1651/3) was an English noblewoman and a poet of the English Renaissance. A member of a distinguished literary family, Lady Wroth was among the first female English writers to have achieved an enduring reputation. Mary Wroth was niece to Mary Herbert née Sidney (Countess of Pembroke and one of the most distinguished women writers and patrons of the 16th century), and to Sir Philip Sidney, a famous Elizabethan poet-courtier.

Lady Mary Wroth was the first Englishwoman to write a complete sonnet sequence as well as an original work of prose fiction. Although earlier women writers of the 16th century had mainly explored the genres of translation, dedication, and epitaph, Wroth openly transgressed the traditional boundaries by writing secular love poetry and romances. Her verse was celebrated by the leading poets of the age, including Ben Jonson, George Chapman, Josuah Sylvester, and others. Despite the controversy over the publication in 1621 of her major work of fiction, The Countess of Montgomery’s Urania, Wroth continued writing a second part of her romance and composed a five-act pastoral drama, Love’s Victory.

Biography

The eldest daughter of Sir Robert Sidney and Lady Barbara Gamage, Wroth was probably born on October 18, 1587, a date derived from the Sidney correspondence. She belonged to a prominent literary family, known for its patronage of the arts. Her uncle, Sir Philip Sidney, was a leading Elizabethan poet, statesman, and soldier, whose tragic death in the Netherlands elevated him to the status of national hero. Wroth was influenced by some of her uncle’s literary works, including his sonnet sequence Astrophil and Stella (1591); a prose romance, intermingled with poetry, The Countess of Pembroke’s Arcadia (existing in two distinct versions, the second of which was published in 1590); and a pastoral entertainment, The Lady of May (written in 1578 or 1579).

Wroth’s father, Sir Robert Sidney, was also a poet (his verse survived in a single manuscript and did not appear in print until 1984). Following the death of Philip, Robert was appointed to fill his brother’s post as governor of Flushing in the Netherlands, where he served throughout much of Wroth’s childhood. He kept in close touch with his family through visits and letters; his friend and adviser Rowland Whyte wrote Sidney frequent reports concerning his eldest child, whom he affectionately nicknamed “little Mall.”

Because her father, Robert Sidney, was governor of Flushing, Wroth spent much of her childhood at the home of Mary Sidney, Baynard's Castle in London, and at Penshurst Place. Penshurst Place was one of the great country houses in the Elizabethan and Jacobean period. It was a centre of literary and cultural activity and its gracious hospitality is praised in Ben Jonson's famous poem To Penshurst. During a time when most women were illiterate, Wroth had the privilege of a formal education, which was obtained from household tutors under the guidance of her mother. With her family connections, a career at court was all but inevitable. Wroth danced before Queen Elizabeth on a visit to Penshurst and again in court in 1602. At this time a likeness of her as a girl in a group portrait of Lady Sidney and her children was painted by Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger in 1596, and is now on display at Penshurst. As a young woman, Lady Mary belonged to Queen Anne’s intimate circle of friends and actively participated in masques and entertainments.

On 27 September 1604, King James I married Mary to Sir Robert Wroth of Loughton Hall. The marriage was not happy; there were issues between the two beginning with difficulties over her father’s payment of her dowry. In a letter written to his wife, Sir Robert Sidney described different meetings with Robert Wroth, who was often distressed by the behaviour of Mary shortly after their marriage. Robert Wroth appeared to have been a gambler, philanderer and a drunkard. More evidence of the unhappy union comes from poet and friend Ben Jonson, who noted that ‘my Lady Wroth is unworthily married on a Jealous husband’. Various letters from Lady Mary to Queen Anne also refer to the financial losses her husband had sustained during their time together.

During her marriage, Mary became known for her literary endeavours and also for her performances in several masques. In 1605 she danced at the Whitehall Banqueting House in The Masque of Blackness, which was designed by Ben Jonson and Inigo Jones. Mary Wroth joined the Queen and her friends in the production; all of whom painted their skin black to portray Ethiopian nymphs who called themselves the 'twelve daughters of Niger'. The masque was very successful and was the first in a long series of similar court entertainments. The ‘twelve daughters of Niger’ also appeared in The Masque of Beauty in 1608, also designed by Jonson and Jones. However, despite the success there were some less than favourable reviews, some referring to the women's portrayal of the daughters of Niger as ugly and unconvincing.[9]

In February 1614 Mary gave birth to a son James: a month after this her husband Robert Wroth died of gangrene leaving Mary deeply in debt. Two years later Wroth's son died causing Mary to lose the Wroth estate to John Wroth, the next male heir to the entail. There is no evidence to suggest that Wroth was unfaithful to her husband, but after his death she entered a relationship with her cousin William Herbert, 3rd Earl of Pembroke. Mary and William shared interests in arts and literature and had been childhood friends. They had at least two illegitimate children, a daughter Catherine and son William. In "Herbertorum Prosapia", a seventeenth-century manuscript compilation of the history of the Herbert family (held at the Cardiff Library), Sir Thomas Herbert – a cousin of the Earl of Pembroke – recorded William Herbert's paternity of Wroth's two children. Mary Wroth's alleged relationship with William Herbert and her children born from that union are referenced in her work, The Countess of Montgomery’s Urania. It is also claimed that William Herbert was a favourite of Queen Anne and that she is the reason he gained the position of the King's Lord Chamberlain in 1615. In Urania, Wroth repeatedly returns to references to a powerful and jealous Queen who exiles her weaker rival from the court in order to obtain her lover, causing many critics to believe this referenced

tension between Queen Anne and Wroth over the love of Herbert.

The publication of the book in 1621 was a succès de scandale, as it was widely (and with some justification) viewed as a roman à clef. The diffuse plot is organized around relations between Pamphilia and her wandering lover, Amphilanthus, and most critics consider it to contain significant autobiographical elements. Although Wroth claimed that she never had any intention of publishing the book, she was heavily criticized by powerful noblemen for depicting their private lives under the guise of fiction. However, her period of notoriety was brief after the scandal aroused by these allusions in her romance; Urania was withdrawn from sale by December 1621. Two of the few authors to acknowledge this work were Ben Jonson and Edward Denny. Jonson, a friend and colleague of Mary Wroth praised both Wroth and her works in "Sonnet to the noble Lady, the Lady Mary Wroth." Jonson claims that copying Wroth's works he not only became a better poet, but a better lover. Denny on the other hand provides a very negative critique of Wroth's work; he accused her of slander in a satiric poem, calling her a "hermaphrodite" and a "monster". While Wroth returned fire in a poem of her own, the notoriety of the episode may have contributed to her low profile in the last decades of her life. There was also a second half of Urania, which was published for the first time in 1999, the original manuscript of which now resides in the Newberry Library in Chicago. According to Shelia T. Cavanaugh, the second portion of the work was never prepared by Wroth for actual publication and the narrative contains many inconsistencies and is somewhat difficult to read.

After the publication issues surrounding Urania, Wroth left King James's court and was later abandoned by William Herbert. There is little known about Wroth's later years but it is known that she continued to face major financial difficulties for the remainder of her life. Wroth died in either 1651 or 1653. Mary is commemorated in Loughton by the naming of a footpath adjacent to Loughton Hall as Lady Mary's Path.

One of the most powerful forces in shaping Wroth’s literary career was her aunt and godmother, Mary Sidney, who was married to Henry Herbert, second Earl of Pembroke. Her country estate at Wilton served as a gathering place for a diverse number of poets, theologians, and scientists. The countess of Pembroke wrote poetry and translations from French and Italian, but even more important, she boldly published her works at a time when few women dared: her Antonius, a translation of Robert Garnier’s French drama, appeared in print in 1592, along with her translation of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay’s treatise A Discourse of Life and Death. She also assumed an active role as editor of the surviving works of her brother Philip and as a literary patron. One of her crowning achievements was the completion of the metrical version of the Psalms she had begun as a joint project with Philip; she heavily revised his first 43 psalms and then added 107 of her own. Her experiments in a variety of metrical and verse forms probably helped inspire Wroth’s own interest in lyrical technique. Wroth offered highly sympathetic portraits of her aunt as the Queen of Naples in the Urania, where she is described as “perfect in Poetry, and all other Princely vertues as any woman that ever liv’d,” and as Simena (an anagram for Mary Sidney) in Love’s Victory.

Wroth’s education was largely informal, obtained from household tutors under the guidance of her mother. Rowland Whyte reported in 1595 that “she is very forward in her learning, writing, and other exercises she is put to, as dawncing and the virginals.” Whyte’s letters make frequent reference to her musical education; he reassured her absent father that the children “are kept at ther bookes, they dance, they sing, they play on the lute, and are carefully kept unto yt.” It is also likely that Wroth learned French during her childhood trips to the Lowlands with her family.

Negotiations for her marriage began as early as 1599, and she eventually married Sir Robert Wroth, the son of a wealthy Essex landowner, at Penshurst on September 27, 1604. Disagreements between the couple began almost immediately. In a letter Sir Robert Sidney described his unexpected meeting in London with the bridegroom, who was greatly discontented with his new wife. Fundamental differences of temperament and interests quickly became apparent.

Sir Robert Wroth, knighted by James I in 1603, rapidly advanced in the king’s favor because of his skill in hunting. He maintained country homes at Durrance and Loughton Hall, which the king visited on hunting expeditions with his friends. Ben Jonson commemorated the visits in his poem “To Sir Robert Wroth,” in which he described how James I “makes thy house his court.” Unlike his wife, who served as an important patron of the arts, Wroth appears to have had few literary interests. During his entire career, only one book was dedicated to him—a treatise on mad dogs.

Ben Jonson in his conversations with William Drummond succinctly observed that Mary Wroth was “unworthily maried on a Jealous husband.” More unflattering testimony is offered by Sir John Leeke, a servant of Mary Wroth’s, who described a relative’s husband as “the foulest Churle in the world; he hath only one vertu that he seldom cometh sober to bedd, a true imitation of Sir Robert Wroth.” Indeed, the experience of an unhappy marriage seems to have inspired many episodes in Mary Wroth’s prose fiction, especially those involving arranged marriages established primarily for financial reasons. On the other hand, her husband’s favor with James I helped place Mary Wroth in the center of court activities. She gained one of the most coveted honors, a role in the first masque designed by Ben Jonson in collaboration with Inigo Jones, The Masque of Blackness, performed at Whitehall on January 6, 1605. She joined Queen Anne and 11 of her closest friends in disguising themselves as Black Ethiopian nymphs. She also appeared with the queen in The Masque of Beauty, performed at Whitehall on January 10, 1608. She may have acted in other court masques for which the performance lists are incomplete, and it is likely that she attended masques such as Hymenaei (performed in 1606), The Masque of Queens (performed in 1609), and Oberon (performed in 1611). In the Urania she alluded to Lord Hay’s Masque (performed in 1607) by Thomas Campion and probably to Tethys’ Festival (performed in 1610) by Samuel Daniel. She also included descriptions of imaginary masques, complete with spectacular stage effects, in the second part of her romance.

Her Writing Career

By 1613 Wroth had begun her writing career—as revealed in Josuah Sylvester’s elegy for Prince Henry, Lachrymæ Lachrymarum (1613), in which he refers to her verse and praises her as “AL-WORTH Sidnëides / In whom, her Uncle’s noble Veine renewes.” Her poems apparently circulated in manuscript long before their publication in 1621. Ben Jonson refers to “exscribing,” or copying out, her verses in one of his poems addressed to her. An early version of her sonnet sequence Pamphilia to Amphilanthus survives in a single manuscript, neatly copied in Wroth’s own formal italic hand, now at the Folger Shakespeare Library.

This autograph version of Wroth’s sequence consists of 110 songs and sonnets, plus 7 miscellaneous pieces. The sequence opens with the dream vision of Pamphilia, whose name means “all-loving,” in which she describes the triumph of Venus and Cupid over her heart. The first section of 55 poems reveals Pamphilia’s conflicting emotions as she attempts to resolve the struggle between passionate surrender and self-affirmation. The Petrarchan model of the male lover wooing a cold, unpitying lady posed a genuine challenge to Wroth, who could not simply reverse the gender roles. Instead of presenting her female persona in active pursuit of Amphilanthus, whose name means “lover of two,” Wroth completely omits the Petrarchan rhetoric of wooing and courtship. She addresses most of the sonnets to Cupid, night, grief, fortune, or time, rather than directly to Amphilanthus, whose name appears only in the title of the sequence.

A revised version of the sonnet cycle, printed at the end of the prose romance Urania (1621), consists of 83 sonnets and 20 songs. Wroth tightened the structure of the sequence by rearranging the poems in four distinct yet interrelated sections. While the order of the first group of 55 poems was left relatively unchanged, the second was heavily revised to explore the darker side of passion, especially through the use of the blind boy Cupid as a symbol of infantile, self-centered, sensual emotion. Pamphilia’s harsh mockery of Cupid produces a guilty reaction when she suddenly repents of treason against the god of love and vows to reward him with a “Crowne” of praise, a group of fourteen sonnets imitating the Italian verse form the corona, in which the last line of the first sonnet serves as the first line of the next.

Wroth’s “Crowne of Sonnets” represents a technical tour de force, as well as a central turning point in Pamphilia’s inner debate. In this third section the persona attempts to redirect her thoughts to glorify Cupid as a fully mature monarch, a figure of divine love. Critics differ in their interpretations of this section, with some regarding Pamphilia as achieving an ascent to heavenly love. Others maintain that Pamphilia ends as she began, trapped in fearful perplexity: “In this strang labourinth how shall I turne?” (the line that opens and closes the “Crowne”).

Some of the sonnets in the final group of the sequence are extremely melancholy in tone, with predominant imagery drawn from the winter world of clouds, shadows, and darkness. Yet a fragile hope emerges in the last two sonnets, where Pamphilia claims that her suffering has taught her how to value spiritual love, and in her farewell poem she vows to leave behind the discourse of Venus and Cupid.

In many of the songs found throughout the sequence, Wroth adopts the pastoral mode, wherein Pamphilia speaks as a lovelorn shepherdess. The pastoral disguise allowed Wroth to set a vision of idyllic, innocent love alongside the actuality of the corrupt and inconstant passion of the court. As Ann Rosalind Jones has argued, the pastoral mode provided Wroth and other women poets with a vehicle to criticize sexual politics and masculine power. For example, one of Wroth’s late songs, “Come merry spring delight us,” begins with a cheerful invocation of spring and the renewal of nature, but the final stanza turns to the image of Philomela, who had been transformed into a nightingale following her rape by Tereus. Unlike her male predecessors, Wroth insists upon Philomela’s continued pain and suffering, which memory cannot erase. Significantly, Wroth incorporated the pastoral mode in all three of her major works—her sonnet sequence, prose fiction, and drama.

Because Wroth composed her sequence long after the Elizabethan rage for sonneteering in the 1590s had passed, she had many earlier models at her disposal. Her father’s unpublished collection of sonnets served as a particularly important influence. These love poems addressed to a lady named Charys, probably written during Robert Sidney’s wartime exile from England, express a dark atmosphere of brooding hopelessness and death. Sidney attempted to write a corona as part of his sequence, but completed only four poems and a quatrain of a fifth. Perhaps Wroth regarded this unfinished “Crowne” as a challenge for her poetic talents in writing her own version. Also various verbal echoes of her father’s imagery can be found in other poems. Similarly, Wroth appears to have drawn on her uncle’s Astrophil and Stella, especially for the treatment of wayward Cupid and for verse forms. Yet Wroth avoids Philip Sidney’s ironic raillery by creating instead a tone of more repressed anger and restrained sorrow.

Another influence on Wroth may have been the verse of her first cousin and lover, William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke. Some of his surviving lyrics, which were not printed until 1660—such as his poem beginning, “Can you suspect a change in me, / And value your own constancy?”—can be read as answers or comments on Pamphilia’s constancy. Wroth knew Pembroke from childhood, when she met him at family gatherings at Wilton and at Baynard’s Castle, the London home of the Pembrokes. His younger brother, Philip, actually lived for a while in the Sidney household, and William visited three or four times a week.

Although Wroth and Pembroke shared close ties of kinship, they were separated by a great disparity in wealth. Because Pembroke was one of the richest peers in England, his family anticipated a marriage that would enhance his vast holdings of property, but he appears to have resisted their efforts to select a bride; instead he conducted an affair with the courtier Mary Fitton, who bore his child. When he steadfastly refused to marry her, he was sent to Fleet Prison for a brief period in 1601. After his father’s death, Pembroke negotiated his own marital settlement with Mary Talbot, who was coheir to the immense wealth of Gilbert Talbot, seventh Earl of Shrewsbury. In The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (1702–1704), Edward Hyde, first Earl of Clarendon, commented on Pembroke’s financial motivation, “for he paid much too dear for his wife’s fortune, by taking her person into the bargain.” They were wed on November 4, 1604, less than three months after Mary Wroth’s marriage.

It is clear from the Sidney correspondence that Mary Wroth’s relationship with Pembroke continued after her marriage, for he was a visitor at her home, Loughton Hall, and participated in many of the same family and court gatherings. During this period Pembroke steadily progressed in royal favor, becoming a leading statesman under James I, and serving successively as lord chamberlain and lord steward. He also became a distinguished patron of Jonson and William Shakespeare; the first folio of Shakespeare’s plays was jointly dedicated to Pembroke and to his brother Philip Herbert, Earl of Montgomery.

One of the few concrete means of identifying Pembroke as the “Amphilanthus” of Wroth’s sequence occurs in the text of the second part of the prose romance Urania. Here Wroth assigns to the character Amphilanthus a poem that was identified as Pembroke’s in three early 17th-century manuscript collections: “Had I loved butt att that rate.” Wroth did not risk explicitly identifying Pembroke within the sonnet cycle itself, however, and only in the final sonnet is there even a possibility of a pun on his first name: “The endless gaine which never will remove.”

Pembroke’s presence may certainly have contributed to the unhappiness of Mary Wroth’s marriage, but Robert Wroth’s last testament suggests that her husband finally rested on good terms with both parties. He specifically chose Pembroke as one of the overseers of his will and left him a bequest of silver plate. Wroth described Mary as a “deere and loving wife,” who deserved far better recompense than his debts would allow. He made special provision in his will to assign Mary “all her books and furniture of her studdye and closett.” Wroth’s husband died on March 14, 1614, only a month after the birth of her first child, James, who was named in honor of the king and christened with Pembroke and her mother in attendance.

Wroth’s financial situation was radically altered after her husband’s death, for she found herself with a young child and an estate charged with a 23,000-pound debt. When her son died on July 5, 1616, her predicament was made even more difficult because much of the estate fell to Robert Wroth’s uncle, John Wroth.

As a widow, Wroth appears to have lived for a period at Pembroke’s London home, Baynard’s Castle, for its name appears on several of her letters, and one of her correspondents refers to her “study” there. During this period she bore Pembroke two illegitimate children, whose births are recorded in a manuscript history of the family compiled by Sir Thomas Herbert of Tintern, which is now at the Cardiff Central Library. One was a son, William, who later became a captain under Sir Henry Herbert and a colonel under Prince Maurice; the other was a daughter, Catherine, who married a Mr. Lovel living near Oxford. The dates of their births are not listed, but Edward, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, sent a congratulatory poem to Mary Wroth which includes a likely reference to one of the children: “A Merry Rime Sent to Lady Mary Wroth upon the birth of my Lord of Pembroke’s Child. Born in the spring.” He may have sent a copy to Pembroke, who wrote a letter, dated March 28, 1620, thanking him for “congratulating with me yo’r little cousin.” However, the evidence for dating the births of the children is very inconclusive.

Following her husband’s death, Wroth suffered a decline in royal favor. She lost her place among Queen Anne’s intimate circle of friends, although the exact cause of her downfall is uncertain. In some of the autobiographical episodes in the Urania, Wroth attributed her loss of the queen’s favor to slander spread by envious rivals. Her relationship with Pembroke may have fueled the gossip, but certainly after her husband’s death she lacked the financial ability to participate in the lavish court entertainments. She was, however, named as a member of the official procession of the state funeral for Queen Anne in 1619, and James I showed her a small measure of favor by issuing a warrant in 1621 to William Cecil, second Earl of Salisbury, to provide her with deer from the king’s forest.

Wroth maintained her close ties to the Sidney family, as Anne Clifford recorded in her diary, where she mentions seeing Wroth at Penshurst, the Sidney home, and hearing her “news from beyond sea.” One of Wroth’s sources of foreign information was probably Dudley Carleton, ambassador to the Hague, with whom she corresponded in 1619. In these letters she mentions his recent presence at Loughton Hall, refers to some “rude lines” she had given him, and thanks him profusely for a gift. During this time there was also some speculation that Wroth might marry Henry de Vere, 18th Earl of Oxford (1593–1625), but he eventually married Diana Cecil.

The earl of Oxford’s sister was Wroth’s closest friend: Susan Vere, the first wife of Sir Philip Herbert, Earl of Montgomery (Pembroke’s brother). The two women had known one another as early as 1605, when they participated together in The Masque of Blackness, and they exchanged frequent visits. As Pembroke’s sister-in-law, Susan was a part of a tightly knit circle. She was also known for her literary patronage, extending from religious works (John Donne sent her a copy of one of his sermons) to secular prose romances of all types. In the dedication to a translation (1619) of the 14th-century Spanish romance Amadis de Gaule, Anthony Munday thanked the countess for her help in obtaining the best Spanish editions of the romance. Among other fiction, the first English translation (1620) of Honoré d’Urfé’s Astrée (1607–1627) was dedicated to the countess and her husband.

When Wroth began to compose her own prose romance in the period 1618–1620, the countess of Montgomery was the logical dedicatee of her work. Wroth also paid her the highest compliment in creating the fictional character Urania in her honor. Named after the heavenly muse, Urania appears in the opening scene of the romance as a grief-stricken shepherdess who has just learned that the country couple who reared her from childhood are not her actual parents. To discover her true identity, she must undertake an arduous quest, which eventually leads to a climactic scene late in the romance when she receives a book describing her royal heritage. Wroth’s characterization of Urania is the first extended portrait of a woman by a woman in English. In addition, Wroth’s treatment of the friendship between Urania and Pamphilia provides one of the most important links in a vast panorama of tales and tellers.

Wroth’s sonnet cycle describing the intense, ambivalent passion of Pamphilia for Amphilanthus appears to have furnished the nucleus for her fiction, in which she developed the background and motivation of each of the central characters in far greater detail. In the prose romance, Pamphilia, the eldest daughter of the King of Morea, is designated by her unmarried uncle as the heir to his kingdom of Pamphilia (located on the south coast of Asia Minor). Despite her feelings for Amphilanthus, she vows to remain a virgin monarch and to dedicate her life to the service of her country, undoubtedly in imitation of Elizabeth I. Her beloved Amphilanthus, the eldest son of the King of Naples, is crowned King of the Romans and eventually emperor, but despite his many virtues, he has one major flaw, his inconstancy. In the course of the Urania he betrays Pamphilia with a variety of female characters but returns each time begging her forgiveness.

The title page of the Urania features an engraving of one of the central episodes of the fiction, the Throne of Love. The Dutch artist Simon van de Passe based his engraving on Wroth’s detailed description of an adventure in Cyprus, the traditional habitation of Venus (according to poets from Ovid to Petrarch). Wroth describes how a violent tempest shipwrecks the major characters on the island, where they soon discover a splendid palace high on a hill, which may be reached only by means of a bridge topped by three towers. The first tower to the left is Cupid’s Tower, or the Tower of Desire, reserved as a place of punishment for false lovers. The second, belonging to Venus, is the Tower of Love, which may be entered by any suitors able to face such threats as Jealousy, Despair, and Fear. The third tower, guarded by the figure of Constancy, cannot be entered until the other obstacles have been overcome. Constancy holds the keys to the Throne of Love, a palace that is open to a very few. This episode not only provides a central point of reference for the entire romance, but it also functions as a landmark to measure the central couple’s troubled relationship.

The end of the first book seems to affirm the special status of Pamphilia and Amphilanthus as heroic lovers. Despite all their misunderstandings, the pair returns to Cyprus, where they are able to free their female friends who are trapped inside the first two towers. When Pamphilia holds the keys to Constancy, the statue on the third tower actually metamorphoses itself into her breast. Although the Throne of Love may at first appear to be an idealized vision of the relation between the sexes, Wroth soon shows that it is a delusion that frustrates and thwarts the major characters. The anticipated marriage between the King of Cyprus and the Princess of Rhodes fails to materialize, as do most of the other promised unions, including that of the central pair of lovers. At the end of the second book Pamphilia herself falls prisoner at the enchanted Theater of the Rocks, so that her role is transformed from that of rescuer to victim. When Amphilanthus comes to her aid, he appears arm-in-arm with two other women, emblems of his infidelity. In the fourth book Wroth presents the “Hell of Deceit,” in which each lover sees the other undergoing torture but is powerless to intervene; the insurmountable wall of doubt and suspicion is never overcome, even in the second, unpublished part of Wroth’s romance.

The complete Urania includes more than 300 characters, and thus a brief summary does not do justice to its intricate plot with many first-person narratives and inset tales. Wroth emphasizes the social conditions that oppressed early-17th-century women, especially their lack of freedom to choose a marital partner. She offers tales describing the horrors of enforced marriage, where a woman’s consent might be obtained by means of physical or psychological abuse. Wroth also presents female figures who demonstrate active resistance to parental authority, although their acts of self-determination are often fraught with tragedy. As Maureen Quilligan has argued, one of the most important underlying concerns in the Urania is the “traffic in women,” whereby males freely exchange females as property.

Some of the tales appear to be autobiographical, but Wroth mingled fact and fantasy in the portraits of herself, carefully modifying and refashioning the major events of her life. Pamphilia herself tells the tale of Lindamira (an anagram for Lady Mary), “faigning it to be written in a French Story,” but at the conclusion her audience suspects that it is “some thing more exactly related then a fixion.” In this tale Wroth traces her own career as a courtier and poet, including her loss of royal favor, which she protests as unjust. Lindamira concludes with a group of seven sonnets, an exact mirror of the larger Urania, with its appended sonnet sequence. The tale of Bellamira also seems to be largely autobiographical, although it includes a fictional subplot involving her father. Wroth’s multiple self-portraits within the Urania—Pamphilia, Lindamira, Bellamira, and others—suggest a continuous struggle of self-representation, in which the author seeks to assert and justify her behavior in the face of a hostile, disapproving court.

Throughout the text of the Urania , Wroth intersperses a total of 56 poems, which underline key moments of crisis or discovery. Ranging in genre from sonnets to madrigals, dialogues, ballads, and pastoral narratives, the poems reveal experimentation in a variety of meters, most notably sapphics. Wroth adapts the poems to fit the different personalities of her characters, from the nervous, high-strung Antissia to the comically loquacious Florentine. She also includes poems specifically based on her uncle’s Arcadia, such as a sonnet Pamphilia carves on the bark of an ash tree. Despite the outward similarity of this poem to Sidney’s, Wroth recasts the view of woman from a passive subject of love’s mastery to an active, controlling artist.

Indeed, many of Wroth’s borrowings from earlier sources reveal an effort to transform the original material by reversing major conventions. In the first scene of her romance Wroth alludes to the opening of Sidney’s revised Arcadia, in which two shepherds lament the disappearance of the mysterious shepherdess Urania, who never actually appears in Sidney’s fiction. Wroth, however, creates her Urania as a fully human female, who refuses to accept society’s narrow roles. When Perissus mistakes her for a spirit, he apologizes, saying, “but now I see you are a woman; and therefore not much to be marked.” Urania disputes his sexist judgment by demonstrating her ability to save him, a pattern that is continually repeated in the romance.

Other sources include Amadis de Gaule, which provided Wroth with details for some of the major enchantments. Edmund Spenser’s Faerie Queene (1590, 1596) furnished the inspiration for some episodes, including the account of the Hell of Deceit at the end of the published Urania. D’Urfé’s Astrée, with its portrayal of the inconstant male figure Hylas, may have influenced Wroth’s treatment of Amphilanthus. Another Continental romance, Jorge de Montemayor’s Diana, translated by Bartholomew Yong (1598), includes a female seer, Felicia, who probably served as a model for Wroth’s Mellissea. Finally, the appearance of Miguel de Cervantes’ Don Quixote (1605), translated into English in 1612, popularized the satirical, self-critical romance, a mode which clearly appealed to Wroth in shaping the Urania.

Another significant development in the genre was the roman à clef, which includes allusions to actual persons and places. Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptaméron (1558) as well as Sidney’s two Arcadias include thinly veiled characters, but John Barclay’s Argenis (1621) was a systematic roman à clef, which commanded a wide audience at the Jacobean court. Wroth seems to have based the major characters of the Urania on members of the Sidney-Herbert family, although she exercised considerable artistic freedom. In addition, Wroth derived subplots from court figures and scandals. Her contemporaries recognized the allusions, as revealed in John Chamberlain’s letters and in Sir Aston Cokayne’s verse: “The Lady Wrothe’s Urania is repleat / With elegancies, but too full of heat.”

One of the courtiers who identified himself in the fiction was Sir Edward Denny, Baron of Waltham, who was outraged to find his personal affairs recounted in the episode of Seralius and his father-in-law. He responded by launching a vicious attack against the Urania and its author, with his complaints eventually reaching the ears of the king. He even wrote an insulting poem, addressed “To Pamphilia from the father-in-law of Seralius,” in which he vilified Wroth as “Hermophradite in show, in deed a monster / As by thy words and works all men may conster.” Undaunted, Wroth returned his insults in rhymes which match his, word for word: “Hirmophradite in sense in Art a monster / As by your railing rimes the world may conster.”

Writing to her friends in an effort to rally support, she assured King James’s favorite, George Villiers, first Duke of Buckingham, that she never meant her work to offend and volunteered to stop the sale of it. Her letter is especially revealing because she states that the books “were solde against my minde I never purposing to have had them published” (December 15, 1621). It is clearly possible that her manuscript may have been pirated and entered for publication in the Stationers’ Register without her permission; the absence of any dedicatory epistles or prefatory matter in the book is very unusual. On the other hand, Wroth admitted sending the duke of Buckingham her own personal copy, and the illustration for the title page was chosen by someone very familiar with the nature of her romance.

Following the storm of criticism, the book was never reprinted, but it continued to be read throughout the 17th century. The Urania may have furnished the dramatist James Shirley with plot material for his play The Politician (1655). Edward Phillips, John Milton’s nephew, listed Wroth in his catalogue of “Women Among the Moderns Eminent for Poetry” (Theatrum Poetarum, 1675). Nor was she forgotten by other women writers, for Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, quoted the final couplet from Denny’s diatribe against Wroth in the preface to her Sociable Letters (1664); Cavendish was the first woman to publish her fiction in more than 40 years after the controversy over Urania.

Wroth herself was not completely silenced by the quarrel, for she continued writing a second, unpublished part of the Urania, which survives in a holograph manuscript of nearly 240,000 words at the Newberry Library in Chicago. The manuscript is divided into two volumes and picks up immediately with the final word of the printed book. This unfinished, second part of the Urania describes the continuing struggles of Pamphilia and Amphilanthus, along with a second generation of princes and princesses. Of special interest is Wroth’s account of several children, born out of wedlock, who occupy important positions by virtue of individual merit rather than birth. Wroth also tells how the major couple falls victim to the manipulations of a lying servant, who tricks each partner into believing in the other’s betrayal. Pamphilia’s marriage to the Tartarian king, Rodomandro, is described in great detail as is Amphilanthus’s wedding to the Princess of Slavonia. Only near the very end of the manuscript do the characters rejoin on the island of Cyprus, where amid reminders of the earlier enchantment of the Throne of Love, they achieve a reconciliation as Platonic lovers. The manuscript breaks off shortly after in midsentence, with Amphilanthus left in search of one of the illegitimate children, the mysterious Faire Designe.

While writing the second part of Urania in the 1620s, Wroth was probably also at work on her play Love’s Victory, since the two works share a common plot and characters. In the second volume of the Urania manuscript, Wroth describes a group of eight lovers, led by a distinguished brother and sister who excel in writing poetry. Appearing in both works are the disguised shepherds Arcas and Rustick, along with the fickle Magdaline (her name is shortened to Dalina in the play), and in both works the young lovers suffer as a result of Cupid’s revenge. Wroth’s drama is a pastoral tragicomedy, probably written for private presentation, although no record of its performance has been discovered so far.

It is not surprising that Wroth would undertake a play, given her interest in dramatic entertainments. In addition to performing in masques, she was a participant in Ben Jonson’s nonextant pastoral drama The May Lord, according to William Drummond’s Conversations, recorded in 1619. Jonson himself dedicated to her one of his finest plays, The Alchemist (1612). Her writings include many allusions to playacting, with several specific references to the cross-dressed boy actors. Pembroke’s London home, Baynard’s Castle, where Wroth frequently stayed, was located next to the private theater Blackfriars; immediately across the Thames was the Globe. Pembroke himself was directly involved with the players both as patron of an acting company, Pembroke’s Men, and in his official capacity as lord chamberlain.

Wroth’s drama depicts four contrasting couples who illustrate a variety of human responses to love. The virtuous lovers Philisses and Musella triumph over a period of serious misunderstanding as well as parental interference. The second couple, Lissius and Simena, must learn to overcome baser emotions—scornful pride and jealousy. At the other end of the spectrum are the Neoplatonic lovers, the Forester and Silvesta, who have dedicated themselves to chastity. Their comic counterparts are Rustic and Dalina, who frantically pursue earthly pleasures. Three rival lovers complicate the plot (Lacon, Climena, and Fillis), together with the villainous shepherd Arcas.

Presiding over the action are the mythological figures Venus and Cupid, who serve as internal commentators and appear before each act of the play. Because Venus believes that humans disdain their immortal power, she urges Cupid to make the young lovers suffer by shooting them with arrows of jealousy, malice, fear, and mistrust. The opening of Wroth’s play echoes one of the best-known dramatic pastorals, Torquato Tasso’s Aminta (1573), where a belligerent Cupid appears as prologue to the play. Many subsequent dramatists copied Tasso’s device, including Ben Jonson, who placed Cupid as a commentator in several of his masques and plays, especially Cynthia’s Revels (1601). Wroth’s patterned design of multiple pairs of lovers also shows the influence of earlier pastoral dramas such as Giovanni Battista Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido (1590), John Fletcher’s The Faithful Shepherdess (1609?), and Samuel Daniel’s Hymen’s Triumph (1615). Wroth’s use of the sleeping potion in the fifth act may derive from Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet (1597), although it was a common stage device.

Wroth’s play survives in two versions: a complete fair copy at Penshurst, and an incomplete, earlier version at the Huntington Library (which omits the opening dialogue between Venus and Cupid, their dialogue at the end of act 3, and most of the fifth act). The incomplete version, however, provides a clear indication of Wroth’s methods of composition, in which the mythological parts appear to have been written last and inserted into the rest of the text. Wroth also developed the play’s setting to provide for Venus’s temple and a chorus of priests, as well as some further stage directions, such as the appearance of Venus and Cupid in the clouds (a masquelike feature).

Wroth’s pastoral drama resembles her other works by including thinly disguised personal allusions. The name of the protagonist Philisses probably refers to her uncle Sir Philip Sidney, while Musella combines the muse of poetry with the Stella of Sidney’s sonnet sequence. Philisses’ sister, Simena, resembles Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke, who after her husband’s death was linked with the London physician Dr. Matthew Lister (possibly Lissius). The drama thus includes family associations appropriate to the intimacy of private theatricals performed in country houses.

The later period of Wroth’s life seems to have been devoted largely to settling her financial difficulties. To forestall her creditors, she repeatedly applied to the crown for warrants of protection, which were granted at regular intervals. In one case Sir Edward Conway (principal secretary of state under James I and Charles I) wrote to her father requesting that he pressure Wroth for immediate payment of outstanding bills. To his credit Sir Robert Sidney defended his daughter by stating that she was handling her own affairs and planned to discharge all of her debts. She appears to have continued living at Loughton Hall, and her father visited her there. Little evidence survives of her two children by Pembroke, but in 1640 one of Wroth’s former servants, Sir John Leeke, wrote that “by my Lord of Pembroke’s good mediation,” the king had provided her son with a “brave livinge in Ireland.” Because Pembroke died in 1630, Leeke is here referring to Philip Herbert, Earl of Montgomery, who succeeded to his brother’s title. Wroth apparently spent the last years of her life in Woodford, where her name appears in connection with the sale of lands and in tax rolls. The only record of Wroth’s death occurs in a Chancery deposition of 1668, in which the event is said to have occurred in 1651, or more likely in 1653. No literary works survive from the last 30 years of her life.

Wroth’s creative accomplishments are still impressive. She created a pair of female heroes whose friendship lies at the center of the Urania, an encyclopedic romance of nearly 600,000 words in length. Her sonnet sequence, justly praised by Ben Jonson for its psychological insight, surmounted the gender constraints of the Petrarchan form and opened the possibilities for women writers of succeeding generations.

In popular culture

In 2019, Harvard literary historian Vanessa Braganza identified a copy of Xenophon's Cyropaedia which she found at a rare book fair as Wroth's based on a cryptic monogram cipher on its cover.[16] The letters of the cipher spell the names "Pamphilia" and "Amphilanthus," autobiographical personae for Wroth and Herbert themselves. To date, the Cyropaedia is the only surviving book from Wroth's library except for manuscripts of her own works. The discovery sparked public interest in Wroth's use of ciphers and her previously little-known status as the first female English novelist.[17]

Works

Love's Victory (c.1620) – pastoral closet drama.

The Countess of Montgomery's Urania (1621) – The first extant prose romance by an English woman.

Pamphilia to Amphilanthus (1621) – The second-known sonnet sequence by an English woman.

54-) English Literature

54-) English Literature

Emilia Lanier


Feminist themes

Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum has been viewed by many as one of the earliest feminist works in English literature. Barbara Kiefer Lewalski in an article, "Writing Women and Reading the Renaissance", actually calls Lanier the "defender of womankind". Lewalski believes Lanier initiates her ideas of the genealogy of women with the first few poems in the collection, as dedications to prominent women. This follows the idea that "virtue and learning descend from mothers to daughters."

Marie H. Loughlin continues Lewalski's argument in "'Fast ti'd unto Them in a Golden Chaine': Typology, Apocalypse, and Woman's Genealogy in Aemilia Lanier's Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum" by noting that the genealogy of women began with Eve. Loughlin argues that Lanier advocates the importance of knowledge of the spiritual and the material worlds in women's connection. Lanier seems to argue that women must focus on the material world and their importance in it, to complement their life in the spiritual world. The argument derives from Lanier's seeming desire to raise women to the level of men.

Dark Lady theory

The Sonnets

Some have speculated that Lanier was Shakespeare's "Dark Lady". The identification, first proposed by A. L. Rowse, has been repeated by several authors since. It appears in David Lasocki and Roger Prior's book The Bassanos: Venetian Musicians and Instrument makers in England 1531–1665 (1995) and in Stephanie Hopkins Hughes. Although the colour of Lanier's hair is not known, records exist of her Bassano cousins being referred to as "black", a common term at the time for brunettes or people with Mediterranean colouring. Since she came from a family of Court musicians, she fits Shakespeare's picture of a woman playing the virginal in Sonnet 128. Shakespeare claims that the woman was "forsworn" to another in Sonnet 152, which has been speculated to refer to Lanier's relations with Shakespeare's patron, Lord Hunsdon. The theory that Lanier was the Dark Lady is doubted by other Lanier scholars, such as Susanne Woods (1999). Barbara Lewalski notes that Rowse's theory has deflected attention from Lanier as a poet. However, Martin Green argued that although Rowse's argument was unfounded, he was correct in saying that Lanier is referred to in the Sonnets.

Playwrights, musicians and poets have also expressed views. The theatre historian and playwright Andrew B. Harris wrote a play, The Lady Revealed, which chronicles Rowse's identification of Lanier as the "Dark Lady". After readings in London and at the Players' Club, it received a staged reading at New Dramatists in New York City on 16 March 2015. In 2005, the English conductor Peter Bassano, a descendant of Emilia's brother, suggested she provided some of the texts for William Byrd's 1589 Songs of Sundrie Natures, dedicated to Lord Hunsdon, and that one of the songs, a setting of the translation of an Italian sonnet "Of Gold all Burnisht", may have been used by Shakespeare as the model for his parodic Sonnet 130: My mistress' eyes are nothing like the sun. The Irish poet Niall McDevitt also believes Lanier was the Dark Lady: "She spurned his advances somewhere along the line and he never won her back.... It's a genuine story of unrequited love." Tony Haygarth has argued that a certain 1593 miniature portrait by Nicholas Hilliard depicts Lanier.

Plays

John Hudson points out that the names Emilia in Othello and Bassanio in The Merchant of Venice coincide with mentions of a swan dying to music, which he sees as a standard Ovidian image of a great poet. He asserts that the "swan song" may be a literary device used in some classical writings to conceal the name of an author. However, the notion that a dying swan sings a melodious "swan song" was proverbial, and its application to a character need not prove the character is being presented as a poet. So the evidence remains inconclusive and perhaps coincidental.

Furthermore, Prior argues that the play Othello refers to a location in the town of Bassano, and that the title of the play may refer to the Jesuit Girolamo Otello from the town of Bassano. The character Emilia speaks some of the first feminist lines on an English stage and so could be seen as a contemporary allegory for Emilia Lanier herself, while the musicians in both plays, Prior argues, are allegories for members of her family.

Hudson further believes that another "signature" exists in Titus Andronicus, where an Aemilius and a Bassianus each hold a crown. Each mirrors the other's position at the beginning and end of the play, as rhetorical markers indicating that the two names are a pair, and book-end the bulk of the play.  

In November 2020, Peter Bassano, a descendant of Lanier's uncle, published a book, Shakespeare and Emilia, claiming to have found proof that Lanier is the Dark Lady. Bassano points to the similarity of Hilliard's alternative miniature to a description of Lord Biron's desired wife in Love's Labour's Lost: "A whitely wanton, with a velvet brow. With two pitch balls stuck in her face for eyes."

Reputation

Lanier was a member of the minor gentry through her Italian father's appointment as a royal musician. She was further educated in the household of Susan Bertie, Countess of Kent. After her parents' death, Lanier was the mistress of Henry Carey, 1st Baron Hunsdon, first cousin of Elizabeth I of England. In 1592, she became pregnant by Carey and was subsequently married to court musician Alfonso Lanier, her cousin. She had two children, but only one survived into adulthood.

Lanier was largely forgotten for centuries, but study of her has abounded in recent decades. She is remembered for contributing to English literature her volume of verses Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum, for which she is seen as the first professional female poet in the English language. Indeed she is known as one of England's first feminist writers in any form, and potentially as the "dark lady" of Shakespearean myth.

53-) English Literature

53-) English Literature

Emilia Lanier

Poems

The title poem "Salve Deus Rex Judæorum" is prefaced by ten shorter dedicated poems, all for aristocratic women, beginning with the Queen. There is also a prose preface addressed to the reader, containing a vindication of "virtuous women" against their detractors. The title poem, a narrative work of over 200 stanzas, tells the story of Christ's passion satirically and almost entirely from the point of view of the women who surround him. The title comes from the words of mockery supposedly addressed to Jesus on the Cross. The satirical nature of the poem was first emphasized by Boyd Berry. Although the topics of virtue and religion were seen as suitable themes for women writers, Lanier's title poem has been viewed by some modern scholars as a parody of the Crucifixion, since Lanier approaches it with imagery of the Elizabethan grotesque, found, for instance, in some Shakespeare plays. Her views have been interpreted as "independent of church tradition" and heretical. Other scholars including A. L. Rowse view Lanier's conversion as genuine and her passionate devotion to Christ and to his mother as sincere. Still, comparisons have been made between Lanier's poem and religious satires that scholars have studied in Shakespearean works, including the poem The Phoenix and the Turtle and many of the plays.

In the central section of Salve Deus Lanier takes up the Querelle des Femmes by redefining Christian doctrine of "The Fall", and attacking Original Sin, which is the foundation of Christian theology[citation needed] and Pauline doctrine about women causing it. Lanier defends Eve and women in general by arguing that Eve is wrongly blamed for Original Sin, while no blame attached to Adam. She argues that Adam shares the guilt, as he is shown in the Bible as being stronger than Eve, and so capable of resisting the temptation. She also defends women by noting the dedication of Christ's female followers in staying with him through the Crucifixion and first seeking him after the burial and Resurrection.

n Salve Deus, Lanier also draws attention to Pilate's wife, a minor character in the Bible, who attempts to prevent the unjust trial and crucifixion of Christ. She also notes the male apostles that forsook and even denied Christ during His Crucifixion. Lanier repeats the anti-Semitic aspects of the Gospel accounts: hostile attitudes towards the Jews for not preventing the Crucifixion – such views were the norm for her period.

There is no scholarly consensus on the religious motivation of the title poem. Some call it a genuinely religious poem from a strong, female angle. Others see it as a piece of clever satire. Although there is no agreement on intent and motive, most scholars note the strong feminist sentiments throughout Salve Deus Rex Judæorum.

Lanier's book ends with the "Description of Cookham," commemorating Margaret Clifford, Countess of Cumberland and her daughter Lady Anne Clifford. This is the first published country-house poem in English (Ben Jonson's better known "To Penshurst" may have been written earlier but was first published in 1616.) Lanier's inspiration came from a stay at Cookham Dean, where Margaret Clifford, Countess of Cumberland, lived with her daughter Lady Anne Clifford, for whom Lanier was engaged as tutor and companion. The Clifford household possessed a significant library, some of which can be identified in the painting The Great Picture, attributed to Jan van Belcamp. As Helen Wilcox asserts, the poem is an allegory of the expulsion from Eden.

Salve Deus Rex Judæorum , Lanyer's only book, was entered into the Stationers' Register on 2 October 1610 and published in 1611, the same year as the King James version of the Bible; John Donne's First Anniversary; several printings and reprintings of quarto plays by Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and Christopher Marlowe; George Chapman's translation of Homer's Iliad; and the first collected edition of Edmund Spenser's works.

There are nine extant copies of the Salve Deus, five of which are complete or nearly so. They begin with eleven dedicatory pieces, nine in verse and two in prose, each of which celebrates in some fashion the achievements and community of women: "To the Queenes most Excellent Majestie" (to James's consort, Anne of Denmark); "To the Lady Elizabeths Grace" (to Princess Elizabeth Stuart); "To all vertuous Ladies in generall"; "To the Ladie Arabella" (to Arabella Stuart, James's perceived rival for the throne—a poem missing from three of the four incomplete volumes); "To the Ladie Susan, Countess Dowager of Kent, and daughter to the Duchesse of Suffolke"; "The Authors Dreame to the Ladie Marie, the Countesse Dowager of Pembrooke" (Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke, sister of Sir Philip Sidney, and a recognized author in her own right); "To the Ladie Lucie, Countesse of Bedford"; "To the Ladie Margaret Countesse Dowager of Cumberland" (in prose; Lanyer's principal dedicatee); "To the Ladie Katherine Countesse of Suffolke"; "To the Ladie Anne, Countesse of Dorcet" (Margaret's daughter, at the time fighting to inherit her late father's lands); "To the Vertuous Reader" (in prose).

This unapologetic creation of a community of good women for whom another woman is the spokesperson and eternizer is unusual and possibly unique in early-seventeenth-century England. During the sixteenth century Englishwomen found voices through the contradictory injunctions of Protestantism, which reasserted the traditional expectation of womanly silence and subservience but also affirmed the supremacy of individual conscience, even in women, to which God could speak directly and, in theory, allow exceptions to the general rule of silence. So the popular Protestant tract, Robert Cleaver's A Godlie Forme of Household Government (1598), allows a wife some authority over children and servants but demands full obedience to her husband. She must be "dutifull, faithfull, and loving" to him and silent if she disagrees with him. Yet women were increasingly free to translate religious works and write of their own religious experience, even to the extent of producing religious verse. The certification of her husband's name on the title page—where she is identified as "wife to Captaine Alfonso Lanyer"—gives Lanyer authority to speak outside the household, and her religious topic is broadly decorous.

Yet her work is different from its predecessors. Although Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke, had written in praise of Queen Elizabeth, and a great many male poets had dedicated work to the queen and such important patronesses as the countess of Pembroke and Lucy, Countess of Bedford, there is no other work of sustained and exclusive dedication to women patrons. Further, the central poem, the "Salve Deus" itself, has no generic predecessor among English women poets. The first identifiable woman religious poet writing in English was probably Anne Lok, who appended a poetic meditation on the fifty-first Psalm to her translation from the French of John Calvin's Sermons upon the Songe that Ezechias made after he had bene sicke (1560). The most important Elizabethan woman poet is certainly the countess of Pembroke, with her 107 psalm translations completing the sequence begun by her brother, Sir Philip Sidney. The countess's complex and sophisticated lyric versions of Psalms 44-150 were widely circulated in manuscript, and admired by Donne and Jonson, as well as Lanyer. Apart from these English psalm translations, there was one other notable work of religious verse written before Lanyer's: Elizabeth Melvill, Lady Culros, published Ane Godlie Dreame in Edinburgh in 1603. This dream allegory breaks the commitment to "translation" that English women's verse carried, but its intense focus on a single conscience sidesteps the issue of authority. By contrast, Lanyer's religious poem claims biblical and historical authority, and grants the viewpoint of women as much or greater authenticity as that of men.

Each of the three sections in the book has some generic connection with contemporary writing, though the connections are in many cases as distracting as they are illuminating.

The dedicatory poems situate Lanyer among the increasing number of professional poets who sought support through patronage. It was still usual for high-born writers to avoid the self-advertising "stigma of print," but it was acceptable for middle-class writers to claim attention—and assistance—by blazoning their patrons' virtues in verse. The patronage system was an early step in the professionalization of literature, but its economic impetus received social and intellectual force by claiming to reflect classical models and ideals. The classical epideictic tradition saw the poetry of praise as a means of affirming social and cultural values. Renaissance poets invoked that tradition and used it to enhance the value of their own role as definers of, as well as speakers for, their society.

It was the expected ritual for the lower-born poet to acknowledge unworthiness in speaking to his social betters, and to request and at the same time claim the forgiveness that sends the grace of worthiness to the poet from the exalted subject of his verse. By acknowledging social distance the poet bridges it, and by expressing humility the poet receives the grace of excellence. This is precisely what Lanyer does in her dedicatory verses, though her stance is complicated by her status as a woman as well as a commoner. It leads her to claim a special identity with her dedicatees, and to allow their dignity and high birth to assert the dignity and merit of all women. By collapsing her unworthiness as a woman into the general unworthiness all poets must acknowledge in their dedications to the high born, she renders the happenstance of gender as visible—and as ultimately inconsequential—as the male poet's happenstance of birth.

While the dedicatory poems provide Lanyer's principal authority for publishing her verse, her central topic, Christ's Passion, provides another authority. If women are not expected to write, they are expected to experience the joy and power of conversion and cannot be enjoined from expressing what God has spoken to them. Lanyer claims that her full conversion to Christ resulted from the influence of her main dedicatee, the countess dowager of Cumberland, and that other women had a godly influence on her, including the countess dowager of Kent (in whose household she had resided as an unrepentant young woman), Queen Anne (through her godly example), and the countess of Pembroke (through her psalms).

The title poem, "Salve Deus Rex Judæorum" (Hail God, King of the Jews), is a subtle and complex work of 1,840 lines in ottavarima, iambic-pentameter stanzas. For a woman to write authoritatively on so sacred a subject is unusual, but for her to revise fifteen hundred years of traditional commentary in the process is unheard of. A useful contrast may be made between Lanyer's "Salve Deus" and Queen Catherine Parr's The Lamentacion of a Sinner (1547), which set a model for women writing on religious matters. It includes some commentary on biblical texts, arguing a Protestant position on justification by faith among other things, but makes no challenge to the primacy of men. By contrast, the "Salve Deus" starts with personal references and has a strong polemical thrust, attacking the vanity and blindness of men and justifying women's right to be free of masculine subjugation. Many of the arguments are put in the voice of Pilate's wife, who, according to the Bible, warned her husband to have "nothing to do with that just man," Jesus (Matt. 27.19). Lanyer expands that brief warning, which Pilate ignores, into a lengthy "apologie," or defense and explanation, for Eve. Then she moves so seamlessly from the argument back to the narrative that it is difficult to tell where the voice of Pilate's wife ends and the voice of the narrator continues. Lanyer's confidence in a general female point of view makes the diffusion of narrative boundary appropriate.

"Salve Deus" begins with a short tribute to the late Queen Elizabeth I and moves to a lengthy and meditative dedication of the work to the countess dowager of Cumberland. Lanyer acknowledges that this poem is not "Those praisefull lines of that delightful place, / Which you commaunded me," possibly the celebration of Cookeham, but is instead a praise of Christ's "almightie love," which comforts the worthy countess in her unhappiness. The references to Margaret's unhappiness are probably to her alienation from her late husband, George Clifford, third Earl of Cumberland, and the legal battles with his relatives that followed his death in 1605. She championed the claims of her daughter, Cumberland's only heir, Anne Clifford, but King James and the court bureaucracy were willing only to negotiate cash settlements that were well short of Anne's full legal claim to the various Cumberland lands and titles. These offers both Margaret and Anne refused to accept, assuring the alienation and suffering that Lanyer chronicles in this poem and in "The Description of Cooke-ham." Lanyer offers Margaret the story of Christ's Passion as a comfort and assurance of God's love in the face of these worldly tribulations.

The version of the Passion Lanyer describes follows closely Matthew 26.30-28.10, the only version which includes the warning of Pilate's wife. She also borrows freely from other Gospels, taking references to women wherever they appear. (See Mark 14.26-16.11, Luke 22.39-24.12, and John 18.1-20.18.) Lanyer's version is woman centered throughout, chronicling female virtues and suffering as part of her strategy for comforting and praising the countess of Cumberland. Within that context, however, the story is a richly imagined version of the most central events of the Christian faith.

The Passion, or suffering, of Jesus Christ is the story that brings into vivid focus the basic elements of Christian theology. Lanyer retells the powerful story of Jesus' last night and day, meditating and expanding on the events from a distinctly female point of view. The story proper begins at line 330; Jesus' first action appears in line 333, when he "to Mount Olives went, though sore afraid." In Renaissance numerology 333 is a figure for the trinitarian God and a version of the number nine, which was thought to express God's self-contained perfection. Although Lanyer does not appear to work numerology into the poem throughout, as some of her contemporaries apparently did (Spenser's Epithalamion, published in 1595, is a famous example), it is possible that she deliberately chose to begin the action at this line.

Lines 330-480 tell the story of Jesus' retirement with his disciples to the Garden of Gethsemane on the Mount of Olives, where he prayed in a very human agony while his disciples, whom he urged to watch with him, could not keep themselves from falling asleep. Lines 481-632 describe the arrival of Judas and the soldiers of the high priest, Judas's betrayal of Jesus, Peter's attack on one of the soldiers, Jesus' rebuke of violence, and the frightened dispersal of the disciples. Lines 633-744 tell of the soldiers leading Jesus to the high priest, Caiaphas, who demands to know if Jesus is the Son of God. Jesus makes an affirmative though somewhat ambiguous answer, and Caiaphas determines to send him to Pontius Pilate, the only one with the authority to order an execution. The last two of these stanzas describe the remorse and suicide of Judas.

Line 745 begins the story of Jesus' appearance before Pilate and includes the words of Pilate's wife, with her apology for Eve, in lines 753-912. Sometime before line 912 the narrative voice seems to merge with that of Pilate's wife, but at line 913 the attention turns to the fears of Pilate, at which point the narrative voice again takes full control. Pilate is convinced of Jesus' innocence, but he nonetheless gives in to the crowd and orders the death. In the three stanzas of lines 945-968 Jesus begins his walk to Mount Calvary, the site of his execution, a procession interrupted narratively by "The teares of the daughters of Jerusalem" (lines 969-1008). This becomes another opportunity to extol the pious virtues of the women as opposed to the murderous men on the scene. Immediately after the praise of the daughters of Jerusalem comes "The sorrow of the virgin Marie" (lines 1009-1040), which in turn is followed by the story of Mary's annunciation and the centrality of her role in redemption (lines 1041-1135). The stanza at lines 1137-1144 tells of Simon of Cyrene being compelled to help carry Christ's cross in the last part of the route to Calvary.

The Crucifixion scene presented in lines 1145-1264 has two interesting additions to the original. The first is the visual focus on the crucified Christ: "His joynts dis-joynted, and his legges hand downe / His alabaster breast, his bloody side ..." (lines 1161-1162). Imagining the visual scene of the Crucifixion had long been a pious Christian exercise, though more encouraged in the Catholic than in the Protestant tradition. Focusing the female gaze on the male body is not a usual pious exercise, however, and that female gaze is underscored by Lanyer's second addition to the Crucifixion scene. At this point in the poem Lanyer turns "To my Ladie of Cumberland" to comment: "This with the eie of Faith thou maist behold, / Deere spouse of Christ, and more than I can write" (lines 1169-1170). Although the church as a whole (and each individual soul) was conventionally referred to as the "spouse" of Christ, here the countess is brought into the story personally and specifically. She is placed firmly at the foot of the cross and presented as Christ's particular spouse, who truly sees ("with the eie of Faith") the dying body of her beloved: "His count'nance pale, yet still continues sweet, / His blessed blood watring his pierced feet" (lines 1175-1176).

The conclusion of the Crucifixion section in lines 1265-1268 is even more remarkable, since the pictures of Christ's Crucifixion and its saving grace, the disruption of the world and the overthrow of tyranny, are all portrayed as a gift from the poet to the countess:

Which [Christ] I present (deare Lady) to your view,

Upon the crosse depriv'd of life or breath,

To judge if ever Lover were so true,

To yeeld himselfe unto such shamefull death[.]

Though in the conventional diction of patronage and piety, these verses make redemption the poet's vision and gift, and the power of Christ's sacrifice subject to the judgment of the countess of Cumberland.

Lines 1274-1288 tell of Christ's burial, and present one good man—Joseph of Arimathea—who takes the body to the tomb. At lines 1289-1296 the women come to embalm the body, but find no one in the tomb:

For he is rize from Death t'Eternall Life,

And now those pretious oyntments he desires

Are brought unto him, by his faithfull Wife

The holy Church; who in those rich attires,

Of Patience, Love, Long suffring, Voide of strife,

Humbly presents those oyntments he requires:

The oyles of Mercie, Charitie, and Faith,

Shee onely gives that which no other hath.

The Church and the individual soul (whether of a man or a woman) were both conventionally treated as female and as the bride of Christ, but this language also echoes and anticipates the language with which Lanyer has described and will continue to describe the countess of Cumberland. The countess becomes the whole Church.

In lines 1297-1320 Lanyer turns the reader's gaze on the body of the risen Christ, fashioning her richly sensuous language after that of the Song of Solomon:

His lips like skarlet threeds, yet much more sweet

Than is the sweetest hony dropping dew,

Or hony combes, where all the Bees do meet:

 His lips, like Lillies, dropping downe pure mirrhe,

Whose love, before all worlds we doe preferre.

The next stanza (lines 1321-1328) confirms the countess as a living shrine for Lanyer's sensuous vision of Christ, and as the ultimate true spouse of that Christ:

in your heart I leave

His perfect picture, where it still shall stand,

Deeply engraved in that holy shrine,

Environed with Love and Thoughtes divine.

The last five hundred lines of the poem interweave the significance of Christ's redemption with praise for the many virtues, particularly heroic faithfulness, that the countess possess. As the early dedication to the countess catalogues the weaknesses of outward beauty in contrast to her inner virtue, so this last section of the poem catalogues biblical heroines and other symbols of purity and faithfulness (including "Great Alexander" and Cleopatra), and finds the countess far worthier of praise. In the midst of this paean, at lines 1457-1461, Lanyer asserts her poetic vocation and portrays herself quite literally as born to praise the great countess:

And knowe, when first into this world I came,

This charge was giv'n me by th'Eternall powres,

Th'everlasting Trophie of thy fame,

To build and decke it with the sweetest flowres

That virtue yeelds ... [.]

The catalogue concludes with an extensive comparison between the countess and the Queen of Sheba, who sought the wisdom of Solomon. Folded in the comparison are a vision of the apocalypse (lines 1649-1672) and a baroque description of the blood of Christ (lines 1729-1738):

Sweet holy rivers, pure celestiall springs,

Proceeding from the fountaine of our life;

Sweet sugred currents that salvation brings,

Cleare christall streames, puring all sinne and strife,

Faire floods, where soules do bathe their snow-white wings,

Before they flie to true eternall life:

Sweet Nectar and Ambrosia, food of Saints,

Which whoso tasteth, never after faints.

This hony dropping dew of holy love,

Sweet milke, wherewith we weaklings are restored [.]

Lanyer's extended transformation of the image of Christ's blood is not characteristic of Jacobean poetics, but is an early indicator of a richly sensuous biblical poetry that we usually associate with that later master of baroque religious imagery Thomas Crashaw. While they have little else in common, both poets spent their lives surrounded by music.

"The Description of Cooke-ham" is the last poem in the volume. Its 1611 publication predates by five years the poem usually cited as the first in a tradition of country-house poems in seventeenth-century England, Ben Jonson's "To Penshurst," which first appeared as the second poem in the "Forrest" section of his Workes (1616). Editors usually assume that Jonson's poem was written sometime before late 1612, since a reference to "King James ... With his brave sonne, the Prince" is generally taken to refer to the king in company with Prince Henry, who died in November of that year. It is possible that "To Penshurst" was written before "The Description of Cooke-ham," but Lanyer's poem is without question the first to appear in print.

Lanyer's poem suggests that she was aware of country-house poems by Horace and Martial, and that she was writing in the Augustan tradition of contrasting an idyllic natural order with a fallen human civilization—themes which Jonson, Thomas Carew, Robert Herrick, and Andrew Marvell variously exploit in their later reflections of classical models. More to the point, however, is her exploitation of the natural order as a mirror of human feeling, a device firmly grounded in the pastoral tradition and its English representations.

"The Description of Cooke-ham" is a moving valediction to the pleasures of a noble country estate. The poet memorializes an environment of sweet companionship that she claims to have shared with the countess of Cumberland and her daughter, Anne Clifford, a companionship reflected by the natural world. The poem's 210 lines are roughly divided into an introductory farewell (lines 1-10); an invocation to the countess to contemplate the past beauty of the setting and its responsiveness to her presence (lines 11-74); a reflection on the natural world of Cookeham as an image of God (lines 75-92); a praise of Anne Clifford (lines 93-102); a diatribe against fortune, which has exiled all three from Cookeham (lines 103-126); a portrait of Cookeham's grief at their departure, symbolized by the move through autumn to winter (lines 127-146); a description of the countess's gracious leave-taking, centrally figured by her kiss on the great oak tree, which kiss the poet claims to have stolen from the oak (lines 147-176); a reprise of nature's mourning (lines 177-204); and the poet's concluding farewell (lines 205-210).

Lanyer's conclusion implies that the poem was commissioned by the countess ("Wherein I have perform'd her noble hest"), and therefore asserts itself as a professional work in a longstanding tradition of poet as memorializer of great places, persons, and deeds. Cookeham's epithet, "that delightfull place," recalls both the classical locus amoenus and the Christian Eden, both worlds where the natural order reflects social and spiritual harmony. But the imperfections of the larger world, signified by "fortune" and "occasions," conspire to send the countess, Anne, and the poet away from the place and from each other. The poet loses the rich companionship of her social superiors, but in the process she creates a poem that eternizes the place and its former inhabitants, including herself. Despite the poem's melancholy topic, it therefore concludes the volume with an unmistakable and unabashed claim for the poet's classical role as a participant in the social order she celebrates. There would be no similar audacity by a woman writing in English for at least another generation, when Katherine Philips and Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle, made their different claims for public attention.

The coda to Lanyer's volume is designed to erase any lingering doubt about her poetic authority. In a short prose note "To the doubtfull Reader" she assures us that the title Salve Deus Rex Judæorum came to her in a dream "many yeares before I had any intent to write" the story of the Passion of Christ. After she had written her poem, she remembered the dream, "and thinking it a significant token, that I was appointed to performe this Worke, I gave the very same words I received in sleepe as the fittest Title I could devise for this Booke." Her claim of a godly vocation is very much part of seventeenth-century Protestant poetics, but it remains the only fully articulated example of such a claim by a woman.

The verse throughout Lanyer's book is iambic pentameter, although the forms vary from the quatrains of "The Authours Dreame" and the couplets of "The Description of Cooke-ham," to ottava rima in the poem to Anne Clifford and the "Salve Deus," to the six-or seven-line stanzas considered appropriate for serious English poetry from Geoffrey Chaucer forward. By standards of its period, the quality of the verse is generally high, which suggests that Lanyer was a practiced poet. We have as yet no evidence of existing examples of her work other than what is in Salve Deus Rex Judæorum .


 
 

52-) English Literature

52-) English Literature

Emilia Lanier

Emilia Lanier (also Aemilia or Amelia Lanyer, 1569–1645), née Aemilia Bassano, was an English poet and the first woman in England to assert herself as a professional poet, through her volume Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum (Hail, God, King of the Jews, 1611). Attempts have been made to equate her with Shakespeare's "Dark Lady".

Biography

Emilia Lanier's life appears in her letters, poetry, and medical and legal records, and in sources for the social contexts in which she lived. Researchers have found interactions with Lanier in astrologer Dr Simon Forman's (1552–1611) professional diary, the earliest known casebook kept by an English medical practitioner. She visited Forman many times in 1597 for consultations that incorporated astrological readings, as was usual in the medical practice of the period. The evidence from Forman is incomplete and sometimes hard to read (Forman's poor penmanship has caused critical problems to past scholars). However, his notes show she was an ambitious woman keen to rise into the gentry class.

Early life

Baptiste Bassano died on 11 April 1576, when Emilia was seven years old. His will instructed his wife that he had left young Emilia a dowry of £100, to be given to her when she turned 21 or on the day of her wedding, whichever came first. Forman's records indicate that Bassano's fortune might have waned before he died, which caused considerable unhappiness.

Forman's records also indicate that after the death of her father, Lanier went to live with Susan Bertie, Countess of Kent. Some scholars question whether Lanier went to serve Bertie or be fostered by her, but there is no conclusive evidence for either possibility. It was in Bertie's house that Lanier was given a humanist education and learnt Latin. Bertie greatly valued and emphasized the importance of girls receiving the same level of education as young men. This probably influenced Lanier and her decision to publish her writings. After living with Bertie, Lanier went to live with Margaret Clifford, Countess of Cumberland and Margaret's daughter, Lady Anne Clifford. Dedications in Lanier's own poetry seem to confirm this information.

Lanier's mother died when Lanier was 18. Church records show that Johnson was buried in Bishopsgate on 7 July 1587.

She was baptized Aemilia Bassano on 27 January 1569, daughter of court musician Baptist Bassano, whose will describes him as a "native of Venice," and Margaret Johnson, his common-law wife. Though her father died when she was seven, Aemilia grew up with access to Elizabethan court circles, and spent some of her early years in the household of Susan Bertie, Countess of Kent. By the time Aemilia's mother died, Aemilia, who was eighteen, was sufficiently in court favor to attract the attention of Henry Carey, first Lord Hunsdon, Queen Elizabeth's lord chamberlain, whose mistress she remained for several years. Despite the forty-five-year age difference, Lanyer looked back on her time with Hunsdon with great fondness, and apparently resented being married off to Alphonso Lanyer, a court musician, when she became pregnant by the lord chamberlain in 1592. Her son, Henry, was born early in the following year. A daughter by Alphonso, Odillya, was born in December 1598, but lived only ten months.

Astrologer Simon Forman, whom Lanyer visited several times during 1597, recorded in his diary that Lanyer was concerned about her husband's prospects for a knighthood or other advancement (he was a soldier on an expedition with Robert Devereux, second Earl of Essex, during her visits to Forman); that she was subject to miscarriages; that she had enjoyed the good favor of Queen Elizabeth and missed her days at court; and that Forman found her attractive. In fact, he made an effort to have sexual relations with her, and, although she was friendly, she apparently did not allow him to consummate the relationship. The only extant physical description of her comes from Forman, and it is hardly a full portrait: "she hath a wart or mole," he wrote, "in the pit of the throat or near it." The modern historian A. L. Rowse, who misreads some of Forman's diaries, argues from them and from Lanyer's association with the lord chamberlain that Lanyer was William Shakespeare's "dark lady," assuming that her Italian background gave her a dark complexion and that her flirtations with Forman showed her to be a loose woman. Although the world of middle-class artistic servants of the court was not large, and Lanyer, as the lord chamberlain's mistress, may well have encountered some of the Lord Chamberlain's Men (the theatrical troupe that included Shakespeare), there is no evidence that she knew Shakespeare.

Church records show Lanier was baptised Aemilia Bassano at the parish church of St Botolph, Bishopsgate, on 27 January 1569. Her father, Baptiste Bassano, was a Venetian-born musician at the court of Elizabeth I. Her mother was Margret Johnson (born c. 1545–1550), who was possibly an aunt of the court composer Robert Johnson. Lanier's sister, Angela Bassano, married Joseph Hollande in 1576, but neither of her brothers, Lewes and Phillip, reached adulthood. It has been suggested, and disputed, that Lanier's family was Jewish or of partly Jewish descent. Susanne Woods calls the evidence for it "circumstantial but cumulatively possible".Leeds Barroll says Lanier was "probably a Jew", her baptism being "part of the vexed context of Jewish assimilation in Tudor England."

Adulthood

Not long after her mother's death, Lanier became the mistress of The 1st Baron Hunsdon, a Tudor courtier and cousin of Queen Elizabeth I. At the time, Lord Hunsdon was Elizabeth's Lord Chamberlain and a patron of the arts and theatre, but he was 45 years older than Lanier, and records show he gave her a pension of £40 a year. Records indicate that Lanier enjoyed her time as his mistress. An entry from Forman's diary reads, "[Lanier] hath bin married 4 years/ The old Lord Chamberlain kept her longue She was maintained in great pomp ... she hath £ 40a yere & was welthy to him that married her in monie & Jewells."

In 1592, when she was 23, Lanier became pregnant with Hunsdon's child, but he paid her off with a sum of money. Lanier was then married to her first cousin once removed, Alfonso Lanier. He was a Queen's musician; church records show the marriage taking place at St Botolph's Aldgate on 18 October 1592.

Forman's diary entries imply that Lanier's marriage was unhappy. The diary also relates that Lanier was happier as Lord Hunsdon's mistress than as Alfonso's bride, for "a nobleman that is ded hath Loved her well & kept her and did maintain her longe but her husband hath delte hardly with her and spent and consumed her goods and she is nowe... in debt."   Another of Forman's entries states that Lanier told him about having several miscarriages. Lanier gave birth to a son, Henry, in 1593 (presumably named after his father, Henry, Lord Hunsdon) and a daughter, Odillya, in 1598. Odillya died when she was ten months old and was buried at St Botolph's.

In 1611, Lanier published her volume of poetry, Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum. Lanier, 42 years old at the time, was the first woman in England to declare herself a poet. People who read her poetry considered it radical, and many scholars today refer to its style and arguments as protofeminist.

Older years

Lanyer spent her later years near her son's family. Henry, who had become a court flautist, married Joyce Mansfield in 1623 and had two children, Mary, born in 1627, and Henry, born in 1630. After Alphonso's death in 1613, Aemilia Lanyer continued to pursue rights to the hay-and-grain patent on behalf of herself and later her grandchildren. She was listed as a "pensioner," a designation indicating a steady income. In her seventy-six years she had seen most of the reigns of Elizabeth I (1558-1603) and Charles I (1625-1649), as well as all of the intervening reign of James I (1603-1625).

A middle-class woman of no fortune, Lanyer nonetheless enjoyed the attention of some important Elizabethans—the queen, Lord Hunsdon, the countess of Kent, and the countess of Cumberland. Both the entries from Forman's diaries and Lanyer's own poetry suggest that she was a woman of considerable intelligence and spirit. Although James's reign offered the Lanyers some financial security through Alphonso's patent, it was not a reign sympathetic to women, particularly women who spoke out publicly. It is impossible to know whether Lanyer received any substantial patronage from her remarkable book of poetry, but the evidence of her legal battles strongly suggests that she did not. Whether or not she continued to write, she apparently never attempted publication again.

After Alfonso's death in 1613, Lanier supported herself by running a school. She rented a house from Edward Smith to house her students, but disputes over the rental led to her being arrested twice between 1617 and 1619. Parents then proved unwilling to send their children to a woman with a history of arrest and Lanier's aspirations of running a prosperous school came to an end.

Lanier's son eventually married Joyce Mansfield in 1623; they had two children, Mary (1627) and Henry (1630). Henry senior died in October 1633. Later court documents imply that Lanier may have been providing for her two grandchildren after their father's death.

Little else is known of Lanier's life between 1619 and 1635. Court documents state that she sued her husband's brother, Clement, for money owed to her from the profits of one of her late husband's financial patents. The court ruled in Lanier's favour, requiring Clement to pay her £20. Clement could not pay immediately, and so Lanier brought the suit back to court in 1636 and in 1638. There are no records to say whether Lanier was ever paid in full, but at the time of her death, she was described as a "pensioner", i. e. someone who has a steady income or pension.

Emilia Lanier died at the age of 76 and was buried at Clerkenwell, on 3 April 1645.

Poetry

Aemilia Lanyer was the first woman writing in English to produce a substantial volume of poetry designed to be printed and to attract patronage. The volume comprises a series of poems to individual patrons, two short prose dedications, the title poem on Christ's Passion (viewed entirely from a female perspective), and the first country-house poem printed in English, "The Description of Cooke-ham," which precedes the publication of Ben Johnson's "To Penshurst" by five years. Lanyer's poetry shows evidence of a practiced skill. The volume is also arguably the first genuinely feminist publication in England: all of its dedicatees are women, the poem on the Passion specifically argues the virtues of women as opposed to the vices of men, and Lanyer's own authorial voice is assured and unapologetic.

Central to Lanyer's published work are her associations with Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, whom Lanyer claimed as her principal inspiration and patron, and Margaret's daughter, Lady Anne Clifford. "The Description of Cookeham" celebrates a sojourn Lanyer enjoyed with these ladies at a country place then in the possession of Margaret's brother, William Russell of Thornhaugh, and praises its extensive grounds as a lost paradise for a learned and religious female community. The details and exact date of the visit are obscure, but it occurred sometime during the first decade of the seventeenth century, and Lanyer credits the visits and the countess with inspiring her to write religious verse.

Lanyer's volume of poems, Salve Deus Rex Judæorum, has no discernible early reception history, although the survival of versions in which some of the dedicatory poems have been omitted argues care in targeting her readership. One such volume was apparently given by the countess of Cumberland to Prince Henry, heir apparent to the throne, and another was given by Alphonso Lanyer to Thomas Jones, Archbishop of Dublin, with whom he had served in Ireland. The book did not make Aemilia Lanyer's fortune. After Alphonso died in 1613, she found herself in protracted legal battles with his relatives over the income from a hay-and-grain patent he had received from King James in 1604. From 1617 to 1619 she ran a school in the wealthy London suburb of St. Giles in the Fields, where she sought "to teach and educate the children of divers persons of worth and understanding," but she lost the lease to the building she was using, and there is no evidence that she attempted to teach again, nor is anything more known about what she taught or whom.

In 1611, at the age of 42, Lanier published a collection of poetry called Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum (Hail, God, King of the Jews). At the time it was still highly unusual for an Englishwoman to publish, especially in an attempt to make a living. Emilia was only the fourth woman in the British Isles to publish poetry. Hitherto, Isabella Whitney had published a 38-page pamphlet of poetry partly written by her correspondents, Anne Dowriche, who was Cornish, and Elizabeth Melville, who was Scottish. So Lanier's book is the first book of substantial, original poetry written by an Englishwoman. She wrote it in the hope of attracting a patron. It was also the first potentially feminist work published in England, as all the dedications are to women and the title poem "Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum", about the crucifixion of Christ, is written from a woman's point of view. Her poems advocate and praise female virtue and Christian piety, but reflect a desire for an idealized, classless world.

Influences

Source analysis shows that Lanier draws on work that she mentions reading, including Edmund Spenser, Ovid, Petrarch, Chaucer, Boccaccio, Agrippa, as well as protofeminists like Veronica Franco and Christine de Pizan. Lanier makes use of two unpublished manuscripts and a published play translation by Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke. She also shows a knowledge of stage plays by John Lyly and Samuel Daniel. The work of Samuel Daniel informs her Masque, a theatrical form identified in her letter to Mary Sidney and resembling the Masque in The Tempest.

 

209-] English Literature

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